Saturday, May 11, 2013

ANS -- Apple Dodges Enough Taxes to Cover Much of the Sequester

this is what it means when we say that big corporations should pay their taxes and quit using loopholes to avoid them.  That's quite a list of things that could have been funded from just one corporation's taxes, if we had collected them.  Short article.
Find it here:  http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/16177-apple-dodges-enough-taxes-to-cover-much-of-the-sequester   
--Kim


Apple Dodges Enough Taxes to Cover Much of the Sequester

Sunday, 05 May 2013 09:43 By Isaiah J Poole, Campaign for America's Future | Op-Ed

Apple Store, New York, Fifth Avenue. Apple Store, New York, Fifth Avenue. (Photo: Preston Kemp)The scheme that Apple cooked up this week to finance a $55 billion stock buyback for its shareholders was orchestrated to avoid paying $9.2 billion in taxes, Bloomberg reported Friday.

That $9.2 billion tax bill that Apple dodged would have been enough to make unnecessary all of the major budget cuts we've been writing about this week as part of our "Repeal the Sequester" campaign. With $9.2 billion, the federal government could have (based on lists compiled by The Washington Post's Wonkblog and Think Progress):
  • Paid for rescinding the furloughs of air traffic controllers without raiding $250 million from an airport improvement fund.
  • Restored Head Start funding to avoid having to kick an estimated 70,000 people out of the program this year.
  • Kept Meals on Wheels funding for seniors intact.
  • Restored National Institutes of Health funding, so that research on cancer treatments and other diseases could continue uninterrupted.
  • Rescinded cuts of up to 10.7 percent in unemployment checks to people who have been looking for work for more than six months without success.
  • Kept paying for public housing assistance and housing vouchers for people who might otherwise be homeless or in substandard living conditions.
  • Rescinded cuts in programs for children with special needs and learning disabilities.
  • Kept already stretched Occupational Safety and Health inspectors on the job, doing the 1,200 workplace inspections that are being shelved by sequestration.
  • Fully funded disaster relief programs, a particularly critical need now that a wildfire is currently causing serious damage in southern California.
  • Restored $480 million now cut from the FBI's operations.
  • Kept intact the federal programs responsible for safeguarding our nuclear weapons.
  • Avoided cutting $770 million in various State Department health and economic aid programs, plus another $650 million in funding for diplomatic activities.
  • Fully funded NASA operations, which would have been a boon to central Florida and to Texas communities already hurting because of the end of the space shuttle program.

 

Apple was able to do this because of techniques it uses to keep its U.S.-made profits offshore, and because of provision in the tax code that allows it to deduct interest it pays on money it borrows. That's a double whammy: It does not pay the taxes it should on the money it earns from all of those i-whatevers we buy (including the Macbook Pro I am using to type this post) and it gets money from the government when it borrows money from a big bank rather than using the money from its overseas stockpile.

Apple makes great products, but the obscenity of its use of the tax code to avoid paying its fair share for the functions of government that make its success possible is only exceeded by the tax code itself and the nexus of ideology and corporate greed that created it. This latest news from Apple underscores the need to end corporate tax evasion – not with lobbyist-written schemes like the "territorial tax" that would essentially engrave offshore tax dodging into the tax code but with fair, more progressive tax structures that require corporations to pay taxes on their earnings just as working people must by April 15 every year.


This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.

Thursday, May 09, 2013

Fw: Fwd: Creative Recycling

and now for something completely different....
a few clever ideas in recycling. 
--Kim




Subject: Creative Recycling


Aren't these great!!


















 









Monday, May 06, 2013

ANS -- Prosperity Without Growth?

this is a book report, but it has some very important ideas in it.  I may read the book.  It's about changing our economy from one based on growth to a sustainable one. 
Find it here:  http://weeklysift.com/2013/05/06/prosperity-without-growth/#comment-7007  
--Kim



Prosperity Without Growth?

[] When you take a very-long-term view of the future of civilization, the one option that seems most unlikely is that we can continue the patterns of the last few centuries: an ever-increasing population consuming ever-more stuff, using ever-more natural resources to produce it, and leaving ever-more waste products for the planet to absorb.

Futurists embarrass themselves when they predict precisely when and how that pattern will break, but still, it defies my imagination to picture how this could all continue indefinitely down the millennia. Eventually ­ whether by wise planning, cataclysm, alien conquest, or the return of Jesus ­ the exponential growth is going to stop.*

What will that look like? If you stipulate those steady-state conditions ­ stable population, stable resource use, and each generation leaving the planet's natural environment more-or-less the way they found it ­ what kind of society can you construct? Can you come up with one that has a place for people more-or-less like us? Or does the whole concept involve making over the human character completely? Could the people in such a no-growth society feel prosperous? Or is prosperity-without-growth a contradiction?

A number of fairly smart, reasonable people have been asking those questions for a while now, and they're starting to come up with some visions ­ sketchy ones, to be sure, but sketched-out well enough that the rest of us should start paying attention. One such vision is in Enough is Enough by Rob Dietz and Dan O'Neill.

Disclaimers. Growth has gotten to be such a religion that no-growth smacks of heresy. Like most heresies, it has been caricatured by the faithful to such a degree that any discussion has to start with a few denials.

Two examples of non-growing economies leap to mind: growth-oriented economies that are failing to grow (as the American economy has failed since the housing bubble burst), and aboriginal hunter-gatherer economies. The first example is characterized by despair, lack of opportunity,  and increasing poverty; the second, by discomfort, lack of technology, and vulnerability to disease and famine. Aboriginal societies may live in harmony with Nature, but they also live at the mercy of Nature. One thing you can say for the global economy is that Iowa can have a drought without Iowans starving to death.

Neither example is what the no-growth visionaries are proposing. A society without growth could continue to have antibiotics and the internet ­ and could even continue innovating, as long as the innovations-as-a-whole didn't increase the consumption of resources or the production of waste.

A growth-oriented economy that doesn't grow is the worst of both worlds. It consumes resources unsustainably, and yet fails to provide opportunity and hope. If that were the goal, it could easily be achieved: Just instruct the Fed to keep interest rates high enough to choke off new investment.

The challenge, though, is quite different: To envision a steady-state relationship between Nature and a stable population of humans, while providing those humans the opportunity to lead satisfying lives.

Outline. The book is in three parts. The first discusses the overall idea of "enough". The second breaks this down into specific areas: How could we achieve a stable population? How could a non-growing economy deal with poverty? What would banking and investment look like? And the third discusses strategies for changing the culture and the political system.

Problem-solving attitude. Because it covers so many topics and is intended to further an open-ended discussion, the book really can't be condensed. Its strength is in its details, not in a sound bite that gets elaborated over 200 pages.

But the other important aspect of the book is the attitude it projects: It takes the problem of planetary depletion seriously and approaches it with a problem-solving attitude. So it is not a jeremiad, or a prophesy of doom, or a denial that anything really needs to change ­ three categories that take in most of the debate on these topics. It's easy to find reasons why a stable economy can't happen, but comparatively rare to find people who accept that it must happen eventually, and then bring a problem-solving attitude to the question of how.

A number of factors evolved with the idea of economic growth, and they will have to change or be replaced to achieve stability: a money-creating banking system, measuring the economy by GDP, and corporations devoted to constant growth are just a few of the ones discussed in more detail. An example of the kind of change a stable economy would need: Much of what is done today by profit-seeking corporations could be done by consumer-owned co-ops focused on providing service rather than producing an ever-increasing profit for investors.**

The poor held hostage. To me, the most significant argument against a stable economy says, "Morally, how can we rein in economic growth when so many people still don't have enough?" My problem with that question: I have lost faith that the capitalist economy will ever provide enough for everybody, now matter how high global GDP gets. Over the last few decades, the top 1% has gotten better and better at capturing economic growth for themselves. From the point of view of a CEO seeking higher profits for his corporation, a better life for the poor is an inefficiency to be avoided. Across-the-board wage increases are a capitalist nightmare, not a fulfillment of the capitalist system.

In the Dietz/O'Neill view, we need to turn this kind of thinking around: Rather than continuing to grow the economy in hopes that some of the new consumables will filter down to the poor, we need to solve the problem of inequality so that we can achieve a stable economy. Poverty is a political problem, not an economic problem. Growing the economy without changing the politics won't solve it.

Rather than putting the entire burden of proof on the no-growth vision, I think we also have to stop accepting a "someday" vision of ending poverty through growth. Anyone who makes the anti-poverty argument for growth needs to explain exactly how growth is going to help the poor, and offer a projection of how much more growth it will take to eradicate poverty before we can stabilize the economy's toll on the planet.

Trustworthy governance. Again and again, I was struck by how the Dietz/O'Neill vision requires that we work together as a species. The easiest way to envision that unity is via some Hunger-Games-style tyranny, which no one (least of all Dietz and O'Neill) wants. But even the most free and democratic vision of a stable economy depends on establishing some trustworthy global institutions.

For example, a global cap-and-trade system to stabilize the CO2 in the atmosphere would work only if people can't cheat anywhere in the world, if the tradable CO2 certificates can't be counterfeited, and if you can't "earn" them by creating bogus carbon-offset projects ­ trees that are never actually planted, etc.

Similarly, population could be stabilized through incentives and voluntary cooperation rather than one-child mandates and forced sterilizations. But someone would have to monitor all that and adjust the incentives accordingly, and the rest of us would have to trust the fairness of that monitoring agency.

This is the part I worry about most: If you have money and power and you want to derail the vision of a stable future, all you really have to do is create distrust. What could be easier?

Not a lone voice. Another striking thing about Enough is Enough is the extent to which it builds on the work of many others. For example, the view of money, debt, and banking will be familiar to Sift readers from David Graeber's Debt: the first 5,000 years and Warren Mosler's Seven Deadly Innocent Frauds of Economic Policy.

I'm sure many people will look on this as cranks quoting other cranks, but I don't. I'm starting to see a unifying view develop.

Virtual consumption. Futurists have to be wary of a technology-will-save-us argument, which is always too easy and is often a mirage. But I think Dietz and O'Neill miss one important way that technology can contribute to a sustainable future: virtualization. We're already seeing some of it: My book collection is gradually turning into patterns of electrical charges rather than shelves of paper.

Dietz and O'Neill point out (appropriately) that such changes are meaningless if they just make paper cheaper and allow somebody else to consume more of it. But recent sci-fi (starting with Snow Crash and continuing into more recent works like The Quantum Thief or Ready Player One) points to the greater possibilities.

You can think of consumption as serving four purposes: survival, comfort, entertainment, and competition for status. It is easy to imagine "enough" when we talk about survival and comfort, and maybe even entertainment. But the really open-ended consumption happens when we compete for status. I can imagine wanting a boat for entertainment, but the only reason to want a 400-foot yacht is to out-do the guys who can only afford 300-foot yachts. (As far back as the Roman sumptuary laws, the essence of the moral argument to limit consumption is that some people are starving so that others can raise their status.)

Survival and comfort require real-world resources. (You can't eat pixels.) But if the culture evolved so that we got most of our entertainment inside virtual worlds and competed for status there, then a sustainable economy would be much easier to achieve.

* Space travel is sometimes presented as a far-future solution. While I can imagine a Noah's-Ark-style spaceship seeding another planet with humans, I can't imagine inter-stellar travel ever being so cheap that emigration has a significant impact on Earth's population. (At least that's not a future I'm willing to count on.) So Earth's remaining citizens would still have to come to terms with the planet's limitations.

Think about the colonization of the New World. Except for a few temporary situations (like the Irish Potato Famine), Europe's population continued going up, even as it sent more and more people to America. Europe today is more crowded than ever.

** This got me thinking. Back when cable TV was being established, we all took for granted the model of a privately financed network made economically feasible by granting a monopoly. But the New-Deal-era model of the rural electric co-ops also would have worked: government-guaranteed loans to establish consumer-owned co-ops. If we'd done that, every year you'd get to vote on the leadership and policy of your cable system.

Sunday, May 05, 2013

ANS -- Major HIV Breakthrough May Be Only Months Away

Here's a short article about an amazing new cure for AIDS coming -- if it works.  Lets hope it does....
Find it here:  http://www.care2.com/causes/major-hiv-breakthrough-may-be-only-months-away.html  
--Kim

Major HIV Breakthrough May Be Only Months Away

Major HIV Breakthrough May Be Only Months Away  



A group of researchers at Aarhus University Hospital in Denmark have announced that they've started clinical trials testing a revolutionary new approach to fighting HIV. While there have been a few major breakthroughs in recent years ­ including an infant and an adult man who have apparently been "cured" of the disease ­ these cases had little practical impact on the lives of most people living with HIV.

In the case of the baby in Mississippi, treatment was started immediately after the baby was born, before doctors had even confirmed that she was HIV positive. This was fantastic news for newborns with HIV positive mothers, but not very helpful to anyone already living with the virus.

The other case involved a patient who underwent a bone marrow transplant, which apparently cured him of HIV. Again, not a great option for the majority of people already living with HIV. It's expensive, painful, dangerous, and of course, bone marrow donors are hard to come by ­ particularly those with the HIV-resistant genetic mutation this donor had.

This is precisely why this new Danish trial is so exciting. Instead of treatments that may only be able to help or cure a select few, this new approach may be able to help anyone infected with HIV. The cost savings to patients and healthcare systems around the world could be huge ­ instead of taking drugs to keep the virus in check for the rest of their lives, patients could simply have a one-time round of treatment and go back to living a normal life.

Essentially, the treatment releases the virus from its hiding place within human DNA, bringing it to the surface of a cell. At that point, the body's own immune defenses, boosted with immunotherapy treatments, can destroy the virus. So far, 15 people have been treated with this technique, with research set to expand in coming months.

Still, while scientists may identify a promising possible cure in 2013, it may be as many as 5 years before it becomes widely available outside of trials. When it does become accessible to everyone, doctors and scientists will likely need to warn people that a treatment is not the same as a vaccine. Preventing HIV by practicing safe sex and avoiding risky behaviors will always be a better deal for your body and your bank account.

 

Related Stories:

Is This The HIV Cure We've Been Waiting For?

New HIV-Prevention Drug Approved by FDA

Could a Bee Venom-Based Vaginal Gel End HIV?

Read more: http://www.care2.com/causes/major-hiv-breakthrough-may-be-only-months-away.html#ixzz2STuredy7

Fwd: GREAT CARTOON FROM TOLES / WASHINGTON POST

This was sent by one of our readers.  I appended the cartoon below his link, but if it doesn't come thru -- here's the link.
--Kim


See:

http://thinkprogress.org/climate/2013/05/04/1963651/open-thread-plus-cartoon-of-the-week-23/

Peter C

 

[]

Tags:


ANS -- If this was a pill, you’d do anything to get it

On the surface this is an article about some new ideas about how to keep seniors healthier and out of the hospital, but if you look deeper, it is about the Big Question of this generation: Which is more important -- people or money? 
It also has some interesting things to say about extended families. 
The article is about a program that works -- it keeps seniors out of the hospital by 33% fewer visits, and saves money for Medicare.  But they are going to kill the program because keeping people out of the hospitals, reduces how much money hospitals make. 
By the way, it also says this:  "If you go into the hospital for heart surgery and you end up getting a central-line infection, you'd hope that the hospital would be penalized for it. The opposite, in fact, is true. According to a new study in the Journal of the American Medical Association, surgical complications increase the margin the hospital makes on the patient by 330 percent for the privately insured and 190 percent for Medicare patients."
Find it here:  http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2013/04/28/if-this-was-a-pill-youd-do-anything-to-get-it/   
--Kim



If this was a pill, you'd do anything to get it

Posted by Ezra Klein on April 28, 2013 at 5:07 am
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When Ken Coburn has visitors to the cramped offices of Health Quality Partners in Doylestown, Pa., he likes to show them a graph. It's not his graph, he's quick to say. Coburn is not the sort to take credit for other's work. But it's a graph that explains why he's doing what he's doing. It's a graph he particularly wishes the folks who run Medicare would see, because if they did, then there's no way they'd be threatening to shut down his program.

The graph shows the U.S. death rate for infectious diseases between 1900 and 1996. The line starts all the way at the top. In 1900, 800 of every 100,000 Americans died from infectious diseases. The top killers were pneumonia, tuberculosis and diarrhea. But the line quickly begins falling. By 1920, fewer than 400 of every 100,000 Americans died from infectious diseases. By 1940, it was less than 200. By 1960, it's below 100. When's the last time you heard of an American dying from diarrhea?
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

"For all the millennia before this in human history," Coburn says, "it was all about tuberculosis and diarrheal diseases and all the other infectious disease. The idea that anybody lived long enough to be confronting chronic diseases is a new invention. Average life expectancy was 45 years old at the turn of the century. You didn't have 85-year-olds with chronic diseases."

With chronic illnesses like diabetes and heart disease you don't get better, or at least not quickly. They don't require cures so much as management. Their existence is often proof of medicine's successes. Three decades ago, cancer typically killed you. Today, many cancers can be fought off for years or even indefinitely. The same is true for AIDS, and acute heart failure and so much else. This, to Coburn, is the core truth, and core problem, of today's medical system: Its successes have changed the problems, but the health-care system hasn't kept up.

Kenneth Thorpe, chairman of the health policy and management school at Emory University, estimates that 95 percent of spending in Medicare goes to patients with one or more chronic conditions ­ with enrollees suffering five or more chronic conditions accounting for 78 percent of its spending. "This is the Willie Sutton rule," he says. "If 80 percent of the spending is going to patients with five or more conditions, that's where our health-care system needs to go."

Health Quality Partners is all about going there. The program enrolls Medicare patients with at least one chronic illness and one hospitalization in the past year. It then sends a trained nurse to see them every week, or every month, whether they're healthy or sick. It sounds simple and, in a way, it is. But simple things can be revolutionary.

Most care-management systems rely on nurses sitting in call centers, checking up on patients over the phone. That model has mostly been a failure. And while many health systems send a nurse regularly in the weeks or months after a serious hospitalization, few send one regularly to even seemingly healthy patients. This a radical redefinition of the health-care system's role in the lives of the elderly. It redefines being old and chronically ill as a condition requiring professional medical management.

Health Quality Partners' results have been extraordinary. According to an independent analysis by the consulting firm Mathematica, HQP has reduced hospitalizations by 33 percent and cut Medicare costs by 22 percent.

Others in the profession have taken notice. "It's like they've discovered the fountain of youth in Doylestown, Pa.," marvels Jeffrey Brenner, founder of the Camden Coalition of Healthcare Providers.

Now Medicare is thinking of shutting it off.
Ken Coburn, founder of Health Quality Partners. (Amanda Voisard

Ken Coburn, founder of Health Quality Partners. (Amanda Voisard, for The Washington Post)

Lucrative potential

The origin of Doylestown's fountain of youth is not particularly mysterious or mythic. It can be found on Page 93 of the 1997 Balanced Budget Act. Under "Subchapter D ­ Other Projects," there are two pages of dull legislative language authorizing Medicare "to conduct demonstration projects for the purpose of evaluating methods, such as case management and other models of coordinated care, that (A) improve the quality of items and services provided to target individuals; and (B) reduce expenditures."

In the health-care world, however, these yawn-inducing paragraphs sounded like the beginning of a revolution ­ or, perhaps, a gold rush.

The project was remarkable in two ways. First, it used the gold standard of experimental design: Randomized-controlled trials. Each of the 15 programs ­ of which HQP was one ­ would see some seniors enrolled in the program and some left out. The assignment would be random, and the groups similar ­ that would let the researchers be certain that whatever differences they saw between the groups were attributable to the care they received rather than, say, the company's success at signing up healthier seniors. "We did it that way so nobody would ever question the validity of the findings," says Randall Brown, a senior fellow at Mathematica Policy Research, the outside evaluator Medicare hired to judge the programs.

The second unusual feature was that the secretary of Health and Human Services had the authority to scale it up. Typically, Congress keeps tight hold of the reins on these kinds of experiments. But not this time. As long as the programs were increasing quality without increasing costs, the secretary could "continue the existing demonstration," "expand the number of demonstration projects," or even "issue regulations to implement, on a permanent basis, the components of the demonstration project that are beneficial to the Medicare program." It was, for an experiment of this type, an extraordinary, and extraordinarily rare, amount of authority.

That made it potentially very, very lucrative. A midsize care-management company that proved itself in this demo could, theoretically, get the green light to provide services to every chronically ill Medicare patient. Everyone understood the implications immediately: There were billions of dollars on the table. And there were plenty of for-profit companies who were certain they'd be able to get them.

"I was at conferences when this was all getting underway," Brenner says. "These huge vendors from these really big companies had gotten into this. I remember all these really well-dressed people strutting on the stage. They thought they were going to get access to the gold mine of health care. I remember seeing them speak and thinking, 'I can't be this dumb.' I couldn't understand how their models would work. I've never seen a telephone call change behavior."

Their models ­ and their telephone calls ­ didn't work. Program after program either failed to help patients, save money or both. "You'll see some disease management programs out there led by MBAs or people who used to be doctors and are now businessmen," Brown says. "They're totally different kettles of fish. They tend to be telephonic, and the telephone centers might be in California or Missouri. They don't work. We've shown it time and time again."
Patty Graefe, a nurse with 28 years of experience, says this is

Patty Graefe, a nurse with 28 years of experience, says this is the best nursing she's ever done. (Amanda Voisard, for The Washington Post)

But Health Quality Partners, with its emphasis on continuous nurse-to-patient contact, did work. Of the 15 programs, four improved patient outcomes without increasing costs. Only HQP improved patient outcomes while cutting costs. So Medicare extended it again and again ­ now it's the only program still running under the demo. But Medicare has notified Coburn that it intends to end HQP's funding in June.

Medicare's official explanation is carefully bureaucratic. "The authority that CMS had to conduct this specific demonstration, which predated the health care law, did not allow us to make the program permanent and limited our ability to expand it further," says Emma Sandoe, a spokeswoman for the Centers on Medicare and Medicaid Services. "As we design new models and demonstrations, we are integrating lessons from this experience into those designs."

Every expert I spoke to ­ as well as a plain reading of the law ­ disagrees. If they wanted to make HQP permanent, or scale it up in a big way, Medicare has the power to do so. Then there's this: "Thanks to the health care law, we can now test new, innovative models for delivering health care and expanding models that show promise," Sandoe continues. "With this new authority, we can take best practices to scale and provide more incentives to deliver high-quality health care at lower costs."

Medicare is referring to the newly created Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation, which gives the program power to create and expand projects without congressional authorization. This authority could also be used to create projects based on HQP's lessons. It's not. Instead, Medicare has created a raft of projects and experiments meant to move the system from fee-for-service toward pay-for-quality ­ with the hope that if they can get the payment incentives right, then the market will have reason to support programs like HQP.

To Health Quality Partners and its defenders, Medicare's decision is ludicrous. "We're spending tens of billions of dollars now on Medicare innovation where Medicare already discovered something amazing and now they're forgetting what they discovered?" Brenner says. "It's an amazing government moment."

But to Medicare, it's not so much forgetting as being realistic. After all, HQP worked, but most of the programs in the demonstration didn't. It notes that HQP is a relatively small program that only ever treated a couple of thousand people. For a program the size of Medicare, working to scale up a small operation like HQP seems less likely to deliver a big return than working to change the payment structure that governs the entire system.

This drives Coburn crazy. "People always ask if what we do is scalable. Well, define scalable. It's less difficult than open-heart surgery, which is one of the most common surgeries in the country, and it's more difficult than giving a vaccine. There's this amazing double standard in medicine. For the kind of thing we do, if it's more difficult than making a phone call once in awhile, then it's not scalable. But you provide enough economic incentives and all of a sudden every hospital has an open-heart surgery program."

Brenner puts it more vividly. "There is a bias in medicine against talking to people and for cutting, scanning and chopping into them. If this was a pill or or a machine with these results it would be front-page news in the Wall Street Journal. If we could get these results for your grandmother, you'd say, 'Of course I want that.' But then you'd say, what are the risks? Does she need to have chemotherapy? Does she need to be put in a scanner? Is it a surgery? And you'd say, no, you just have to have a nurse come visit her every week."
Patty Greafe, a nurse with Health Quality Partners, visits the

Patty Greafe, a nurse with Health Quality Partners, visits the Bradfields. (Amanda Voisard, for The Washington Post)

Making the house call

Here's what I thought would happen when I went with Patty Graefe, a Health Quality Partners' nurse, on her daily rounds: I thought I would see a highly skilled medical professional showing off her success stories. I thought I would meet seniors who were overwhelmed by their illnesses a few years back, but since signing up for the program, were now carefully protecting their health. Nothing else, I figured, could possibly justify the numbers HQP seemed to be producing.

Instead, I met Paul and Betty Bradfield.

Getting to the Bradfield's house is harrowing. You drive over a stone bridge that looks neither wide enough nor structurally sound enough to support a car. You nose up a curving road that has been cut into a steep hill. You walk past a giant pile of wood into the sort of old, rickety farmhouse that quickens the step of kids on Halloween. It's a place I might be scared to live. It's a place I'm definitely scared to find Paul and Betty living.

Paul, at 83, suffers from serious heart failure and mild cognitive impairment. A year ago, he climbed a ladder to change a birdfeeder at 10 o'clock at night. He fell, breaking his neck. Betty, at 80, is legally blind and has diabetes.
Graefe with the Bradfields. (Amanda Voisard, for The Washington

Graefe with the Bradfields. (Amanda Voisard, for The Washington Post)

The Bradfields are warm hosts, and clearly glad to see Patty. But their situation isn't good. "I messed up on my medication this week," Paul says, shortly after we walk in the door. He's not sure how. It's possible he took a double dose. Or it's possible that he skipped a dose. And he's already thrown away the evidence. "I'm not worried about the mess-up," Graefe says kindly. "I just need to figure out if you took a double dose." She makes a note to call Paul's doctor.

Graefe has been a nurse for 28 years. She has worked in cardiac wards and with patients in rehab. She has been in hospitals, in call centers, and now on home visits. "This is the best nursing I've ever done in my life," she says. "And that's because it's really all about nursing."

As a hospital nurse, Graefe worried she wasn't able to build the trust she needed with her patients. "I dealt with a lot of heart failure," she says. "A patient would come in, filled with fluid. You'd ask them whether they were taking their medicine. Or if they were eating right. The patient gets almost defensive because we always assume they're doing something wrong. I found that the hospital setting wasn't the best place for these conversations."

I asked a half-dozen seniors what difference Health Quality Partners made in their lives. Every one of them began the same way: They could ask their nurse questions, they said with evident relief. They could get help understanding and navigating their doctor's orders. They didn't feel like they were being a burden if they needed to ask one more thing, or have their medications explained to them again.

Physicians are brusque, and harried, and they talk quickly and confidently, and chronically ill seniors often leave with complicated instructions and a hazy understanding of how to follow them. "In a doctor's office, a lot of people, especially older people, feel pressure to get out because they know the doctor is busy and they're a bit intimidated," says Bill Allen, a friendly 78-year-old who is also a patient of Graefe's. "Because she's here in our home, you can feel more free to ask her anything. It's great."

As a nurse, Graefe's style is practical and nonjudgmental. It seems obvious that chronically ill seniors should take their medicine. But Graefe doesn't see the situation as quite so black-and-white. "You have to find out why a patient isn't taking their medicine," she says. "In the case of heart failure, the water pill has a lot of side effects. Imagine losing control of your bladder. Not being able to go out because you always need a bathroom. We're talking about adults here."

This is, to me, the surprise of accompanying Graefe on her rounds. Despite the years-long relationships, she's not turned her patients into highly effective self-
caregivers. Everyone we see admits to missing their medicine or making bad diet decisions or slacking on exercise routines. Graefe just laboriously pushes them to make slightly better decisions on the margins. The Bradfields, for instance, are, after years of cajoling, finally readying themselves to enter assisted living ­ something that might not have happened at all without Graefe's nudging.

Because she has been to patients' homes so many times before, she can see when something has changed and things are about to go very wrong. And she's got the personal relationship to intervene. Allen, who suffers from lung problems but hates to take medicine, recalls a bad cold he had a few weeks ago. "Because of Patty's insistence, I ended up using the ­ what do you call it? ­ the nebulizer. I probably wouldn't have done it without her. And I probably would have ended up with pneumonia again. I'm sure that's what got me through." It also saved Medicare money, and perhaps saved Allen's life.

We think of the hospital as a place people go to get better. At Health Quality Partners, the view is that a hospital is a place where seniors get worse. "Being in the hospital for three days or five days sets them back to a point where they'll never regain what they were," says Sherry Marcantonio, chief program architect of HQP. "That's where the scales tip. That's where people end up needing a nursing home." Keeping seniors out of the hospital, which is a core focus of its program, cuts costs and saves lives, but it also preserves quality of life ­ a measure often ignored in these discussions. There's a good argument to be made that if a program like HQP cost slightly more than traditional Medicare but cut hospitalizations by a third, it would still be worth it. The point of health care, after all, is to keep people healthy. But HQP saves money ­ and lots of it.

If there is a secret to the success of Health Quality Partners at preventing hospitalizations, it's this: No one else is checking in with the Bradfields or the Allens every week. Medical technology ­ from pills to devices to surgical procedures ­ is so advanced and so competitive that making further gains requires enormous investment and rarely brings high returns. But the exciting field of knocking-on-the-Bradfield's-farmhouse-door is almost totally empty. Medicine has been so focused on what doctors can do in the hospital that it has barely even begun to figure out what can be done in the home. But the home is where elderly patients spend most of their time. It's where they take their medicine and eat their meals, and it's where they fall into funks and trip over the corner of the carpet. It's where a trained medical professional can see a bad turn before it turns into a catastrophe. Medicine, however, has been reluctant to intrude into homes.

For the most part, the medical system treats the old very much like it treats the young. It cares for them when they're sick and ignores them when they're well. Coburn's basic insight is a discomfiting one. He doesn't really believe in "better," at least not for elderly, chronically ill patients. He wants someone going over frequently to see if they're depressed, if their color is good, if they understand their medications, if there's anything they need. This isn't medicine so much as it's supervision.

At another time, these functions would have been filled by the family, who would be right in the other room, and who would know if their mother looked different than she had a few weeks ago. But few of today's elderly live with their children. Many don't even live in the same state, or they don't have any contact with their children, or they don't have children.

A recent study in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences found that after adjusting for demographic factors and underlying health, social isolation increased the likelihood of death among the elderly by a stunning 26 percent. "People with few social contacts may not have people around them who can give them advice, recommend that they go to a doctor with symptoms, ensure that they maintain healthy lifestyles, or perhaps they don't have anyone around when they experience acute symptoms," says Andrew Steptoe, the lead author on the study.

We've been conditioned by "Grey's Anatomy" and hospital rooms to believe that saving lives is a complicated, heroic business. And it is ­ after people get very sick. But keeping them from getting very sick doesn't necessarily require the discovery of new molecules. It requires someone who has a relationship with them to stop by once a week to see how they're doing. The problem is, it's hard to make money off it.
If HQP was a pill, Medicare would pay for it. (Amanda Voisard,

If HQP was a pill, Medicare would pay for it. (Amanda Voisard, for The Washington Post)

The uneven legacy

If you go into the hospital for heart surgery and you end up getting a central-line infection, you'd hope that the hospital would be penalized for it. The opposite, in fact, is true. According to a new study in the Journal of the American Medical Association, surgical complications increase the margin the hospital makes on the patient by 330 percent for the privately insured and 190 percent for Medicare patients.

This, too, is a legacy of a health system built for acute care. Hospitals make money when they do more to patients. They lose money when their beds are empty. Put simply, Health Quality Partners makes hospitals lose money. "There's no doubt that it's a hit to the bottom line," says Rich Reif, the former CEO of Doylestown Hospital, which worked with HQP.

Reif's answer for why he worked with a group that cost him money is simple: His hospital was unusual. In 1895, 14 women came together to form Doylestown's "Village Improvement Association," which was dedicated to "the health and beauty" of the community. The association actually owned Doylestown Hospital, and its mission was the hospital's mission. "I did get some heat from my senior management team," Reif says. "When you're doing annual budgets you see reduction in revenue. But I could always come back and say, 'Wasn't that our responsibility?' "

But not all hospitals are run by the local Village Improvement Association. Many seek to turn a profit. That makes models like Health Quality Partners something of a threat. "If we scaled what Ken is doing," Brenner says, "you would probably shut down a third of the hospitals in the country. It's a disruptive innovation. It just guts the current business model."

This is where Medicare's focus on changing that payment model could help programs like HQP. It's pushing providers to band together into accountable care organizations, or ACO, that get a flat fee for all care related to a patient. If they spent less, they could keep the difference. In theory, this should push them to partner with tested organizations like HQP that have a proven ability to help them spend less. But many experts are skeptical that ACOs will be the game changer Medicare hopes.

"I don't have a lot of confidence in the ACOs working out," Mathematica's Brown says. "None of the ACOs you talk to are willing to say which hospital they'll close. And the only way to save big money in a system is to reduce hospitalizations. That means you need fewer hospital beds. You can't make money off of an empty hospital. So until they're talking about closing some local hospitals to realize the gains from reducing hospitalization, they're not going to be saving much money."

Robert Berenson, a Medicare expert at the Urban Institute, is also skeptical. "To understand ACOs, you have to go back to the physician group practice demo. That was the basis for the ACOs. It was the model adopted into law in the Affordable Care Act. It was these 10 multispecialty groups, and the idea was we'll pay you fee-for-service and if your total spending comes in under the control group's costs, you get to share the savings. Everybody thought it was a great success, but when the results came in, it didn't save any money at all. The one exception was a plan called Marshfield, perhaps because it wasn't based in a hospital and so could keep people out of hospitals."

This is a tough truth of the health-care system: It's got a lot of incumbents, and a lot of fixed costs, and reforming the way care is delivered will mean creating a lot of losers. "This is about power and money," Brenner says. "The largest group in the top one percent of income in America are physicians."

The chronic-care focused system that Coburn is pioneering is more about nurses than doctors, more about home visits than hospitals, and more about human interaction than high-tech intervention. A system based on managing chronic care is a truly different system from the one we have today. Health Quality Partners was lucky to find a hospital that wanted to work with it. But many hospitals wouldn't want to work with a program dedicated to sharply reducing their revenue stream. And without cooperation from the hospital and a patient's doctors, the HQP model would fail.

The only payer with the size and the incentives to push something like HQP is Medicare. "For them to say it's not their responsibility to scale a program like this is ridiculous," Brenner says. "They send market signals all the time. One day it's an experimental oncology procedure and the next day everyone is using biologicals. That's because of them and what they pay. They're the ones who scale this stuff. It feels to me like they're scared to pull a lever on a very clear market signal. But if they said here's Ken Coburn's model, here's the code for it, here's how much we'll pay for it, and, by the way, we'll overpay for it, because we think it's important, the marketplace would drive that."

They could stop far short of that, of course. They could begin another demonstration project that took the lessons of HQP and used them to seed 15 more programs. There is, after all, a flip-side to the skepticism over whether the program can scale. It's possible Coburn's model, which has been run on a shoestring budget, could, with real resources, be improved. Coburn is quick to agree. "I really think we're just at base camp. There are so many contributors to health the system isn't addressing right now. As proud as I am of what we're doing, I think we're just scratching the surface of this stuff."

It wouldn't cost Medicare very much to find out. Quests for the fountain of youth have been launched from far flimsier maps.

Monday, April 29, 2013

ANS -- Congress Rushes to Aid the Powerful

This is yet another reason to believe that our government has already been bought out by rich people and corporations.  It is too late to stop it, it is a done deal. 
Short article about our government jumping to save the airliners from delaying business people, but doing nothing to help poor people. 
Find it here:  http://www.nytimes.com/2013/04/27/opinion/congress-rushes-to-aid-the-powerful.html?smid=fb-share&_r=0   
--Kim



Editorial


Congress Rushes to Aid the Powerful


By THE EDITORIAL BOARD


Published: April 26, 2013

Congress can't pass a budget or control guns or confirm judges on time, but this week members of both parties found something they could agree on, and in a big hurry: avoiding blame for inconveniencing air travelers. The Senate and House rushed through a bill that would avert furloughs to air traffic controllers, which were mandated by Congress's own sequester but proved embarrassing when flights began to back up around the country.

Then lawmakers scurried out of town, taking a week's vacation while ignoring the low-income victims of the mandatory budget cuts, who have few representatives in Washington to protest their lost aid for housing, nutrition and education. Though they are suffering actual pain, not just inconvenience, no one rushed to give them a break from the sequester, and it is clear that no one will.

Catering to the needs of people with money, such as business travelers, is the kind of thing the country has come to expect in recent years from Congressional Republicans. But Democrats share full responsibility for this moment of cowardice. The Senate version of the bill passed by unanimous consent. That means not a single Democrat opposed bailing out travelers while poor kids are getting kicked out of Head Start or nutrition programs.

Even worse, the White House said President Obama would sign the bill. Apparently the ridicule pouring out of Republican offices ­ with Twitter hashtags like #ObamaFlightDelays ­ was extremely effective.

In the House, only 29 Democrats voted against the gift to travelers, which was made possible by switching some funds for airport improvement into the controllers budget. One of the few willing to brave the Republican attack machine was Steny Hoyer, the Democratic whip, who said he could not support repealing a piece of the sequester while preserving its harmful impact. "Seventy thousand children will be kicked out of Head Start," he said. "Nothing in this bill deals with them."

Delays in air travel annoy the kind of people who can inundate Congress with angry letters and e-mail messages. They also afflict lawmakers themselves. But cutting rental vouchers and jobless benefits affects only the voiceless. The more special-interest exceptions that are carved out of the sequester, the more the rest falls on the backs of those who can neither bear it nor stop it, promising many more years of hard-hearted cuts.

A single senator or a single president could have put principle before a little political pain and said no. But that would require courage, which, like government responsibility, is now in short supply.

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Sunday, April 28, 2013

ANS -- Why the Austerity Fraud Matters

This week, a critique came out that showed that the study that has been used to promote "Austerity" was wrong.  It had several mistakes in it that, corrected, changed the statistical outcome drastically.  "Austerity" is the policy that is keeping our economy slow, and has wrecked the economies of Europe.  And now its "scientific" basis is proved wrong.  This matters to you, to me, to Europe. 
But facts don't convince people who are "true believers", so many in our government will still believe in this fraud.  That matters to you and me and Europe too.  So, we must get those "true believers" out of our government.  Remember that in the next election.  Debt doesn't cause the economy to slow. 
Find it here:  http://weeklysift.com/2013/04/22/why-the-austerity-fraud-matters/#comments  
--Kim


Why the Austerity Fraud Matters

When disputes break out among academics, most people don't care. For good reason: Academic controversies are usually hard to follow, and concern topics that wouldn't matter to most of us even if we understood them. (I was in an academic dispute once, and my side won. Trust me, you don't want to hear about it.)

But this week a controversy broke out in economics, and it actually deserves your attention. A paper that has had a major influence on public policy around the world turns out to be wrong. And not just wrong in a subtle way that only geniuses can see, or even wrong in an everybody's-human way that you look at and say, "Oh yeah, I've done that." This one was wrong in three different ways that make you (or at least me) say, "That can't be an accident."

The bogus paper came out in 2010: "Growth in a Time of Debt" by Carmen Reinhardt and Ken Rogoff (both from Harvard). The paper that refutes it appeared last Monday: " Does High Public Debt Consistently Stifle Economic Growth? A Critique of Reinhart and Rogoff" by Thomas Herndon, Michael Ash, and Robert Pollin (all from the University of Massachusetts).

Before I get into the back-and-forth of it, let's return to why you should care. It has to do with whether the government should be trying to create jobs or cut spending.

Stimulus vs. austerity. Many countries came out of the Great Recession with a much larger national debt, but persistent unemployment and slow growth. And that led to a debate: The usual thing a government does when it has high unemployment and slow growth is spend money. (People need jobs and the private sector is skittish about expanding, so the government hires people to do things that need doing: building highways, fixing sewers, insulating homes, and so on. Or maybe the government boosts the economy by subsidizing certain kinds of consumption, like the popular cash-for-clunkers program that got a bunch of old gas-guzzling cars off the road.)

But maybe this time the thing to do was to cut spending, because of all that debt. Maybe spending more, and so increasing the national debt, would just make things worse.

The same debate was happening in all countries, and none of them went completely one way or the other. But the poster child for austerity has been the United Kingdom, where it hasn't worked. Here's how British economic growth has compared to the projections made by the UK's Office for Budget Responsibility. Austerity has brought the UK essentially no economic growth for three years.

[]

The US has had its own stimulus/austerity debate, which has kept the Obama administration from spending as much as it wanted (or as much as Paul Krugman wanted, which was even more). But compared to the other major economies, the US has been on the stimulus side of the debate, which is probably why (disappointing as our economy has been these last few years) we're doing better than most other countries. (This graph is scaled so that all countries are equal when austerity-loving David Cameron became the UK's prime minister.)

[]

Basically, the US and Germany are the only countries in that group that have seen any net growth since 2008.

The gist of what we've seen since 2008 is: Keynes was right. In the long run you probably want to keep your national debt under some kind of control, but not when you have high unemployment and slow growth.

How Reinhart/Rogoff leads to Ryan. Now, obviously, the budget debate we keep having in Washington doesn't acknowledge this reality at all. Conservatives like Paul Ryan and Rand Paul, who want drastic cuts in government spending  (to them, the sequester is just a down payment), somehow get away with claiming to have a " pro-growth" agenda.

How is that possible? Well, partly it's just dogma. The Gospel According to Ayn Rand states that government is always and eternally bad for the economy ­ she called for "a complete separation of state and economics" ­ and no accumulation of facts can outweigh holy writ.

But also, a handful of economists provide academic cover for the "pro-growth" austerity nonsense. And the biggest fig leaf in the bunch is the Reinhart/Rogoff paper. In his 2013 budget proposal, Ryan wrote:

Even if high debt did not cause a crisis, the nation would be in for a long and grinding period of economic decline. A well-known study completed by economists Ken Rogoff and Carmen Reinhart confirms this common sense conclusion. The study found conclusive empirical evidence that gross debt (meaning all debt that a government owes, including debt held in government trust funds) exceeding 90 percent of the economy has a significant negative effect on economic growth.

More precisely, R/R found a "threshold" that gets crossed when a nation's public debt exceeds 90% of the annual GDP. (The United States currently has  a debt-to-GDP ratio around 100%. It was comfortably below the 90% "threshold" until almost exactly the moment the R/R paper appeared.) In other words: All your economic intuition and experience might tell you not to cut spending in a slow-growth environment, but something magic happens when debt crosses 90%. Beyond that point, debt suddenly becomes toxic.

Jared Bernstein comments on the significance:

Those whose goal is severely shrinking the size of government in general and social insurance in particular need hair-on-fire results like this from established experts to keep the fire going,  even in the face of statistics that lean strongly the other way

What they did and why it's wrong. Reinhart and Rogoff looked at 20 industrialized countries year-by-year and divided the country-years into four bins: years when the national debt was 0-30% of GDP, 30-60%, 60-90%, and over 90%. They found significantly lower average economic growth in the over-90% bin. The average annual growth rates for the four bins in the 1946-2009 (post-WW2) period were 4.1%, 2.8%, 2.8% and negative .1%.

Now, if you look at those countries and years one-by-one, the case isn't always impressive. For example, 1946 in the US. We had a lot of debt because we'd just fought World War II, and we had a recession because all the discharged soldiers and laid-off tank-factory workers hadn't found new jobs yet. So high debt and negative growth were happening at the same time, but not because government debt was killing the economy.

Those are the kinds of one-off situations that you hope cancel out in the averages. And they kinda-sorta do, if you assemble your data honestly and do the math right. Unfortunately, R/R did neither. When Herndon/Ash/Pollin go back and do the analysis right, growth in the over-90% bin jumps from negative 0.1% to positive 2.2%.

So what mistakes did R/R make? Well, one was really stupid: They plugged the wrong row number into a formula on their spreadsheet, so their average skipped a bunch of rows, representing 6 of the 20 countries. (They've confessed to that mistake.)

Second, their data-set didn't really include all the country-years it should have. So, for example, New Zealand only has one year in their average, when it ought to have five. Unfortunately, that makes a huge difference in the country average, because that one year NZ had -7.9% growth, when the five-year average was +2.6%.

And third, they made the bizarre choice to average by country rather than by country-year. So that one anomalous year in New Zealand ended up constituting 1/14th of the entire average rather than the 1/110th it should have.

Why it's so bad. The significance of the R/R paper comes entirely from those mistakes.

Yes, an honest and accurate accounting still shows a negative correlation between growth and debt-to-GDP ratios, but everybody would have expected that anyway, because there's well-known causality in the other direction: recessions cause debt/GDP ratios to rise*. (GDP goes down because that's the definition of a recession. Debt goes up for two reasons: Revenue drops because there's less income to tax, and spending rises to pay for more unemployment insurance and food stamps.)

The only significant part of R/R was the threshold, and that was wrong: The something-magic-happens-at-90% was just a spreadsheet typo plus statistical sleight-of-hand.

So the data R/R assembled provides absolutely no reason to have some special fear about the current level of debt in the US. We haven't just passed through some economic equivalent of the sound barrier. To the extent that debt was bad before, it's still bad, and to the extent that it didn't matter before, it still doesn't matter.

Fraud. I anticipate taking heat for using the word fraud in the title. The Herndon/Ash/Pollin paper doesn't use it, and to fully justify fraud you'd have to see into the hearts of Reinhart and Rogoff. Responsible academics are slow to use words like fraud, because academics are cautious in general. You're not supposed to publish something you can't fully prove, even if your rivals do.

But I'm not an academic any more, so I'm using a preponderance-of-evidence standard, not a beyond-reasonable-doubt standard. Let's look at the three mistakes.

The spreadsheet error shows an unbelievable level of negligence, but if that were the only mistake I'd be inclined to give R/R some benefit of the doubt. The original mistake was almost certainly honest, but not finding the mistake is the real culpability. They didn't look the gift horse in the mouth; the mistake gave them the result they wanted, so they didn't check too hard.

They claim to have filled in the missing data in later research, but they've done nothing to point out what a difference it makes. And they defend their weighting scheme ­ an argument I could buy if they had defended that scheme in the original paper while pointing the major difference it made in the result. But they didn't. They were hoping the readers wouldn't notice.

In their response to H/A/P, Reinhart and Rogoff, defend their non-spreadsheet errors "in the strongest possible terms".

But surely the authors do not mean to insinuate that we manipulated the data to exaggerate our results.

I can't speak for H/A/P, but I won't insinuate anything, I'll say it outright: Yeah, R&R, you manipulated the data to exaggerate your results.

R/R's response. One proof of the fraud is that they're still doing it. Their response claims:

We do not, however, believe this regrettable slip [the spreadsheet error] affects in any significant way the central message of the paper or that in our subsequent work.

And that's just flatly false.

Do Herndon et al. get dramatically different results on the relatively short post war sample they focus on? Not really. They, too, find lower growth associated with periods when debt is over 90 per cent.

And that's sophistry. The "relatively short post war sample" are the economies that happen to resemble the United States today. And "lower growth" is not the result the paper is noted for; no one would care if that were the whole message, because that is completely explained by the well-known recession-causes-debt relationship. The 90% threshold is the paper's claim to fame, and that result has blown up completely.

And finally, while they don't explicitly claim that they've found a debt-causes-slow-growth relationship, they keep using their result as if they had. They do so even in their response:

There is also the question of whether these growth effects can be economically large. Here it is very misleading to think of 1 per cent growth differences without recognizing that the typical high debt episode lasts well over a decade (23 years on average in the full sample.)

It is utterly misleading to speak of a 1 per cent growth differential that lasts 10-25 years as small. If a country grows at 1 per cent below trend for 23 years, output will be roughly 25 per cent below trend at the end of the period, with massive cumulative effects.

That point is utterly meaningless if the causality works in the other direction, if the slow growth is causing the debt rather than the other way around. And another re-analysis of the R/R data shows that's what's happening. That analysis also was simple to do. As Matt Yglesias comments:

it's striking that R&R didn't even check this. I don't begrudge any academic's right to rush into publication with an interesting empirical finding based on the assembly of a novel and useful dataset. I don't even begrudge them the right to keep their dataset private for a little while so they can internalize more of the benefits. But Reinhart and especially Rogoff have spent years now engaged in a high-profile political advocacy campaign grounded in a causal interpretation of their empirical work that both of them knew perfectly well was not in fact supported by their analysis.

Buying apples, selling oranges. And that's the important point. The biggest reason R/R's paper has been so badly misused in our political debate is that they have been out there misrepresenting their results. Senator Coburn described their testimony to 40 senators a few months before the debt-ceiling debacle in 2012. After listening to their initial testimony,

Senator Kent Conrad, D-N.D., the chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, then offered his own stern warning to the assembled senators. Turning around in his chair in the middle of the room, he explained to his colleagues that when our high debt burden causes our economy to slow by 1 point of GDP, as Reinhart and Rogoff estimate, that doesn't slow our [economic growth] by 1 percent, but by 25 to 33 percent, because we are growing at only 3 or 4 percent per year.

Did either professor interrupt to say, "Wait, Senator, we're not saying the debt causes a slowdown. Our data just shows a correlation that could be explained by slowdowns causing high debt."? No.

Reinhart echoed Conrad's point and explained that countries rarely pass the 90 percent debt-to-GDP tipping point precisely because it is dangerous to let that much debt accumulate.

Fraud. Fraud, fraud, fraud.

* A point I often make when numbers appear in the Sift: Correlation is not causation. Correlation just means that two things tend to go together; causation means that one causes the other. A very common fallacy is to display a graph showing that A and B go up (or down) together, and then say that A causes B.

My favorite way to demonstrate the fallacy: Birthdays are good for you; people who have a lot of birthdays tend to live long lives.

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By weeklysift, on April 22, 2013 at 10:41 am, under Articles. Tags: economics. 4 Comments
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ANS -- Maybe 9-11 Can Be Over Now

Here is what Doug Muder has to say about the Boston Marathon Bombing, and its aftermath.  It's hopeful. 
I just heard, this weekend, that 2014 is the year of the big change in direction in our world (the Great Turning). Or, as I have put it before, when we answer the question: Which is more important -- people or money?   If this article is any indication, maybe we will come up with the right answer: people.  (Maybe that idea dovetails with the story about the Austerity Fraud.)
Find it here:  http://weeklysift.com/2013/04/22/maybe-9-11-can-be-over-now/#comments    
--Kim



Maybe 9-11 Can Be Over Now

Here's my hope for the Boston Marathon bombing: Maybe it can mark the end of the 9-11 Era. It feels so different from 9-11. Maybe it can exorcize the demons that have haunted us these last dozen years.

[]

9-11 was a wound that refused to heal. I think that had something to do with the kind of story it was and the way we told it: It was a tragedy, and the many heroic individual stories that came out of 9-11 just served to make the larger story that much more tragic.

The greatest heroes of 9-11 all died. They were the first responders who charged up the burning towers only to be crushed in the collapse. They were the passengers of United Flight 93, who crashed their own plane rather than let it become a bomb. We could not identify with them or feel connected to their courage, because we lived. To have survived on a day when the real heroes died … it felt almost shameful.

The villains ­ the men who hijacked the airliners and slammed them into the Twin Towers ­ were likewise dead. They died on their own terms, as martyrs and victors in their own eyes, and they were beyond our reach now.

So in spite of all the people who did the best they could that day, the overwhelming emotions of 9-11 were shame, depression, anger, and fear. As a country, America came out of 9-11 looking for somebody to blame, and wanting to mess them up as badly as we could.

We could not let the story end this way, so we took it to Afghanistan and Iraq. We took it to Bagram and Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib. If some of the people we killed or maimed or tortured were innocent, so be it. Collateral damage. Our people had been innocent too.

9-11 was a monstrous act that we couldn't resolve in our hearts, so it turned us into monsters.*

[]

But we will tell the Boston Marathon bombing story as a challenge that Americans rose to. Not years later in another country, but as it was happening. Not by dying or killing, but by living and saving lives. This time, the tragedy sets up the stories of heroism, not the other way around.

It started immediately, with the ordinary people, the runners and their friends and families, who raced into danger to help the wounded. But unlike the 9-11 first responders, they did not become martyrs or victims. They continue to walk among us like the typical Americans they are.

EMTs and police were already present at the finish line, and their performance will be a model for the rest of the world for years to come. Their story is a victory, not a tragedy. It is a tribute to them that only three people died on the scene.

Everyone who made it into an ambulance is still alive a week later, because hundreds more nurses and doctors became heroes by saving lives, not by dying or by taking lives in revenge. Like the runners and the EMTs, they did not vanish into a martyr's Heaven, but melted back into the general population. Maybe you pass them on the highway or stand in line with them at the supermarket. Maybe you are one of them.

[] Our leaders expressed sorrow, promised justice, and asked for our cooperation. They got it. People sent in their photos, and studied photos taken by others. Asked to stay off the streets or keep to their homes, we did.

Police swarmed in from all over the area, and worked together under federal leadership without visible rancor. They did their jobs, protecting the public without becoming our masters. They did not create more victims by rounding up hundreds of innocents. A policeman died, a fourth victim, but no more civilians.

And they caught the bad guys. One died in a suburban shootout that miraculously killed no bystanders. The other was wounded, but managed to hide for most of  the next day. He was found by a citizen who did not kill or get himself killed. He called the police, who captured the suspect alive and took him to a hospital.

That night, the convoy of police leaving Watertown became a spontaneous victory parade, and the citizens (who had been cooped up in their houses all day) streamed out onto the streets to cheer.

Unlike 9-11, it was over.

This time, like the aid-giving marathoners, like the EMTs, like the hundreds of doctors and nurses and police, at least one perpetrator will live and not become a martyr larger than life. We may get what we never had for 9-11: an explanation and a motive. We may come to look on Dzhokhar Tsarnaev as a troubled teen-ager, rather than a demon we see whenever we close our eyes and keep trying to kill by projecting him onto others.

[] Along the way, we may exorcize another demon who has haunted us too long: the Terrorist Superman, who desires nothing but mayhem and can be stopped by nothing but death. Who requires superhuman security measures and inhuman methods of interrogation. The monster who can only be fought by other monsters.

And that forms the essence of my hope: Maybe the events of this week have shown us that we don't have to be monsters any more.

Maybe we can just be people who help other people, workers who save lives by doing our jobs, citizens who respect our authorities and get respect in return. Maybe we can seek justice without losing our human compassion. Maybe we can stand for values higher than mere survival. Maybe we can once again be part of a nation that is admired rather than just feared.

9-11 will never be forgotten, but I think it is time for it to be over. Maybe now it can join the Kennedy assassination and Pearl Harbor and the other great sorrowful events of our history. A scar, a memory, but not a wound.

So this is my post-marathon-bombing hope: That now we can stop being the frightened, angry, shamed survivors of 9-11 and go back to being Americans. It's been a long time.

* In an earlier version of this article that I posted on Daily Kos, some commenters were inclined to absolve everyday Americans and put the blame on President Bush. I'm not going to make excuses for Bush, but he didn't create the widespread post-9-11 desire for violence, he just channeled it. By the time the Iraq invasion rolled around, I and many other people were opposed. But I definitely felt the fear and anger it was based on.

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By weeklysift, on April 22, 2013 at 8:23 am, under Articles. 4 Comments
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  • []  velvinette On April 22, 2013 at 11:36 am
  • Permalink | Reply The way you express this is very nice, and insightful. You could also bring up the topic of scale. While one person could say we were able to stay humanized during this because it was smaller, and the fact that responders and perpetrators didn't die was part of how it was planned and carried out, it still supports the idea of seeing terrorism in a new way. The smaller size allowed us to focus more on it, to jump in and bring it to an end, just as the people jumped the barriers, and to see the perpetrators up close and more personal. Four ultimately have died in Boston, about a thousand times more than that died in New York and elsewhere on 9-11. I personally did not look for who to blame for 9-11, we knew who they were, more or less. And I never wanted to "mess someone up." But you are describing the tack taken by our country, I understand. Many of us never supported or had our hearts in that tack, in fact cringed from it and wanted it to end as soon as it began. That event brought out the rifts in our country, they are still there but perhaps not as wide, or at least those that would heal the rifts are more in charge.
    • []  weeklysift On April 26, 2013 at 7:41 am
    • Permalink | Reply I'm pleased you read the post the way you did. I was trying to express the overall mood of the country, not claiming that these were the feelings of every single individual. Personally, I felt conflicted. I felt the same kind of anger many others did, while simultaneously (like you) worrying about where this was headed.
  • []  blotzphoto On April 22, 2013 at 1:40 pm
  • Permalink | Reply I absolutely love that meme with the milk delivering cop. Too often we let the reactionaries depict every law enforcement action as a slippery slope into a police state. It's nice to be reminded how very far we are from such a thing.