Saturday, July 31, 2021

ANS -- HCR July 30, 2021 (Friday)

Hi.  Here's a short one from Heather Cox Richardson.  The news she goes over you have probably heard, but I am sending it because of the dots she is connecting in the last line.  
--Kim


July 30, 2021 (Friday)
This will be very brief because I am without power again, and am operating on a generator that is undoubtedly keeping the neighbors awake.
Today, the Department of Justice ruled that the Treasury Department can release to Congress six years of former president Trump's tax returns. Trump was the first president since Richard M. Nixon to refuse to disclose his taxes, and the House Ways and Means Committee requested them in April 2019.
The fight to obtain Trump's tax returns has stretched on for years, and it has finally been resolved in a way consistent with the law that covers this case, which says: "Upon written request from the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means of the House of Representatives, the chairman of the Committee on Finance of the Senate, or the chairman of the Joint Committee on Taxation, the Secretary [of the Treasury] shall furnish such committee with any return or return information specified in such request, except that any return or return information which can be associated with, or otherwise identify, directly or indirectly, a particular taxpayer shall be furnished to such committee only when sitting in closed executive session unless such taxpayer otherwise consents in writing to such disclosure."
It remains possible that Trump will contest this decision in court. If he does not, Congress will finally have access to Trump's tax returns.
Incredibly, after all these years, this is not today's big story.
Today's bigger story is that the House Oversight Committee released notes taken by the acting deputy attorney general Richard Donoghue during a phone call between former president Donald Trump and acting attorney general Jeffrey Rosen on December 27, 2020. Rosen took over at the Department of Justice after Attorney General William Barr left on December 14.
The notes record how the former president tried to get the Department of Justice to say that the 2020 election was "corrupt" in order to overturn it. In the call, Trump listed the many ways in which he believed the results were false, insisting that the election results in Pennsylvania, Georgia, Nevada, Arizona, and Michigan all were "corrupted" and said it was statistically impossible for him to have lost the election.
Rosen "Told him flat out that much of the info he is getting is false, +/or just not supported by the evidence… we looked at allegations but they don't pan out."
When Rosen told the former president that the Department of Justice "can't and won't snap its fingers + change the outcome of the election, doesn't work that way," Trump said: "Don't expect you to do that, just say the election was corrupt and leave the rest to me and the R[epublican] Congressmen."
The January 6 insurrection was ten days later.

ANS -- Two Kinds of Pride in American Politics

Here's an essay from Ben Studebaker.  I never agree with him completely, but he has some interesting ideas.  This is about two kinds of pride -- the sort of pride that goeth before a fall.  
--Kim


BENJAMIN STUDEBAKER

Yet Another Attempt to Make the World a Better Place by Writing Things

Two Kinds of Pride in American Politics

by Benjamin Studebaker

I've been thinking about pride's role in politics. When I say pride, I am not talking about mere self-respect. I am thinking about vanity, about the insidious mistake of thinking we are superior to others when in fact we are their equals. This is pride in the grim, nasty, old-fashioned sense. I think there are two kinds of pride running amok today. One is associated with entrepreneurs, with those who consider themselves "self-made". The other is associated with professionals, with those who consider themselves "educated". Let me share them with you.

See the source image

The Pride of the Entrepreneur

The first kind of pride is the pride of thinking that a person can overcome their worst impulses alone and unaided, without the support of strong political and social institutions. This is the kind of pride associated in ancient times with the Stoics, who believed the "Stoic sage" could be virtuous in any situation, regardless of conditions. Today this is the pride of the hustler, the entrepreneur who believes anyone can succeed in American capitalism if they possess enough grit and determination. These hustlers pridefully reproach anyone who criticizes American capitalism, accusing them of failing to take responsibility for their own lives. They fail to recognize that we live socially embedded lives, and that our ability to succeed depends in large part on whether we have access to the right kind of help at the right moments. They flatter themselves, imagining that they are self-made, that they need no help from anyone, that all those who fail to succeed are inferior to themselves.

Even in antiquity, the Stoics were reproached by the followers of Plato, Aristotle, and Augustine. For Plato, the kind of people we become depends in large part on the kind of community we grow up in. For Aristotle, we are "political animals", who cannot live apart from one another. Outside of human communities, we can live only as "beasts" or "gods". Since we lack divinity, all alternatives to social life are beastly. Virtue is only attainable through a complex social system which allows spare time for education and contemplation. For Augustine, no one can resist sin without the grace of God, and grace is accessed through the true faith disseminated on earth by the church. Whether we take the argument in a secular or religious direction, all of these theorists emphasize that we need concrete institutions above and beyond the individual to become virtuous people.

If we want people born in difficult circumstances to reach their potential, we need to give them access to the social goods which enable human flourishing, whatever we take these to be. This requires, at minimum, access to quality healthcare, housing, education, energy, and sustenance. Yet the hustlers deny these goods to others at every turn, insisting that every person can reach their potential by willing it or manifesting it.

The Pride of the Professional

The second kind of pride is the pride of thinking that a person does not need to worry about their desires because their desires are benign. This is the pride of the professional, the college-educated person who thinks the right kind of education is sufficient for virtue. This kind of person thinks that their university education gives them a superior perspective. They can indulge their impulses because their university experience has trained them to reject all bad ideologies. They are not racist, fascist, misogynist, or homophobic, and therefore they are better than other people. The purity of their educated perspective gives them moral license to indulge in more traditional vices. Having signaled their ideological virtue, they now get to determine when lust, gluttony, and greed are okay and when they are not. They marketize romantic relationships through dating apps, sell both fat acceptance and thinspiration, and celebrate corporate greed when those corporations are owned by people who have the right skin color or the right gender. They are free to envy one another, and they are free to direct their wrath at those who have failed, in their view, to reject the bad ideologies.

These virtue signalers make the mistake of thinking that we can divide people into two lots–the educated people who follow the science and reject the bad isms, and the uneducated people who spread fake news and harbor pathological ideologies. By getting appropriately educated, these people think you can move from one category to the other. Once you become educated, you have knowledge to share with others. Those others are obligated to accept the truth which you have and they lack, and if they fail to do so you may direct your wrath, and the wrath of others, at them.

But virtue is not a set of facts, which you learn and then possess. Virtue is a kind of skillfulness, which we carefully apply to each new situation we face. Virtue enables us to make wise decisions, but wise decisions require that we doubt ourselves, that we confront what is distinctive about each situation we find ourselves in, that we carefully consider things. It is also something we can easily lose, if we stray too far from the institutions and structures that nourish us, that give us the time and resources to think deeply about the situations we find ourselves in. True education results in humility, in an awareness that in every new situation we may be mistaken, that having been right last time is no guarantee that we will make the right decision now.

The American university system increasingly produces people who believe that they have "the facts" and have progressed from being "learners" to "teachers". It focuses on preparing students for a world of work in which they are advantaged if they are good at self-promotion, and therefore it does everything it can to make them prideful. It is a kind of false education.

The Consequences of Pride

Both of these forms of pride have the same function–they enable rich and powerful people to justify contempt for the American worker. The entrepreneur scorns the worker for failing to figure out how to hustle, while the professional scorns the worker for failing to accept "knowledge" from the experts who possess it. On these two grounds, the worker is told that they are unworthy of the social goods which are necessary for any person to reach their potential. They are told that they cannot enjoy access to quality healthcare, affordable housing, true education, affordable energy, and even sustenance. They are blamed for the situations they are in, and no effort is made on their behalf. The Republican Party is dominated by entrepreneurs, and the Democratic Party is dominated by professionals. Neither party thinks the workers morally deserve access to a set of basic, fundamental economic rights. Both are deeply prideful and deeply wicked, in different ways. The proud Republican tells the worker to figure it all out on their own, while the proud Democrat tells the worker that their interests and needs cannot be a priority until they accept the "knowledge". Caught between a rock and the hard place, the worker is condemned to endless toil, with no time and no energy left for escape. All the worker can do is persevere and hope for a brighter future, in this life or the next.


Friday, July 30, 2021

ANS -- Why the American Idea of Freedom is Obsolete

this is another rant by umair haque.  He has some interesting definitions of freedom in this one.  He says the American right is not about freedom, but license.  
--Kim


Why the American Idea of Freedom is Obsolete

Why Too Many Americans are Too Selfish to Do the Right, Sensible, or Intelligent Thing

umair haque
umair haque
Jul 28 · 10 min read
Image Credit: Julie Leopo

See that pic above? That's an American right-winger being unvaccinated to…being a Jewish person during the Holocaust.

Obviously, such a comparison is as unintelligent as it is offensive and repulsive. The question remains, why the ?%&^% do so many americans tend to believe in such outlandish things? Why do they always see themselves as history's greatest victims?

I recently read a notable British public intellectual say something jaw-dropping: "Compulsory vaccination is counterproductive in nations with liberal and libertarian traditions and is unethical."

Did you get that? Vaccination is…unethical. What? What planet is this person on? And what kind of ethics do you imagine they have, if they think that vaccination is something to be feared?

You might have had the displeasure about having to think about a question lately: should vaccines be mandatory? Displeasure because, well, it's an idiotic way to think about the question — like the public intellectual above, reaching an absurd conclusion from a foolish premise.

Let's think about it like thoughtful people then for a second.

Vaccination isn't just a matter of "individual choice." You know that, and everyone should know that. It has what economists call "externalities." That is, my getting vaccinated improves your health, too. If I'm vaccinated against infectious diseases, there's less chance you catch them. There's less burden therefore on healthcare systems and economies and society in general. Everybody's better off when I'm vaccinated, and in that sense, it's not just "my" decision, an individual choice, like being a "consumer" or choosing some dumb celeb to worship on Instagram.

It's in that sense that health is a public good. We don't speak of "private health" — we speak of "public health." Why? Because my health depends on yours. It's hard to be a healthy person in a society of ill ones — no matter how rich you are. It's easy to be a sick person in a society with poor health, sanitation, water, food — no matter how strong you are. Public health is a thing, a reality, precisely because health is something that we share collectively.

Now, many people seem to have forgotten this, especially in the West, which is being Americanized. People are told to be little individualist consumers and never think about anyone or anything else. The entire idea of public goods is under attack and denied by fanatics and extremists from Trump to Boris Johnson. Everything's reduced to a matter of "individual choice" and "personal responsibility" — even things as inherently interdependent as education, science, research, or, in this case, health and healthcare.

So the question isn't if vaccine mandates are "ethical." Unless your ethics are "your life doesn't matter, and only mine does," the question that they could ever be unethical is obviously false. And if your ethics don't value anyone else's life, well, they're not really "ethics" at all, which, by definition, are about what you value more than yourself.

To make all that crystal clear, let's take the example of vaccinated against a killer disease like Polio. Polio was endemic until about the 1970s. It only "went away" because there was a massive, massive campaign to eliminate it. It was only eliminated in America, for example, in 1979.

That's how recent Polio was. 1979 — even in a rich country like America.

And even that took a massive, massive, effort, in a different America when it came to public health and collective responsibility, though. How different?

"The American public was deeply invested in fighting polio, with 300,000 volunteers from all walks of life helping to complete the Salk vaccine trial in 1954, a massive and unprecedented undertaking. At over 200 test sites nationwide, volunteers inoculated nearly 2 million children, some with the real vaccine and others with a placebo as part of the first double-blind vaccine trial in American history."

Now let's come to today. Vaccines are indeed mandatory — in America. No vaccination record, your kid can't go to school. You can try to get out of it, as many regressive and superstitious folks do — but by and large, the idea that you have to vaccinate your kids holds. And that's eminently reasonable and sensible. Why? Because, as we've already established, public health is a collective responsibility. It's not just about you or your kid — no matter what they say on Faux News. It's about a whole, in this case, school, community, town, city. And every sensible parent knows that.

So Americans, interestingly, already accept "vaccine mandates."

The interesting wrinkle is that vaccines aren't mandatory in much of Europe. Why is that? I asked my wife, the lovely doctor. And she said: "Well, I've never really had anyone refuse."

That captures the difference between Europe and America in a nutshell. Europeans have a much greater sense of collective responsibility. Europeans don't tend to need "mandates" to tell them to do something simple like care for their neighbours.

Europeans and Americans have vastly different norms, in other words. European life is rich in public goods, woven into the fabric of everything, from town squares to public hospitals to public transport. Those reinforce a sense of shared responsibility and care and dignity and trust in Europeans. Americans, on the other hand, are notoriously greedy, selfish, aggressive, and individualistic.

Europeans don't need mandates to tell them to do the right thing — but Americans do.

That's a much more nuanced answer to the question: "should we make vaccines mandatory."

Now let's come to the flipside of the question. Does making vaccines mandatory have any kinds of negative or corrosive effects? Like American conservatives, or the foolish public intellectual I quoted in the beginning, claim? For example, if they were really some kind of huge infringement of freedom, then America would reveal its effects, because vaccines are already mandatory in America.

The fact though is that American kids are vastly better off with vaccines than without them. Nobody's being affected in any serious negative way so far as any empirical evidence can reveal by…making people take vaccines.

For example, if the claim is "making vaccines mandatory is fascism!!" then, LOL, the answer to that claim is pretty obvious. Vaccines were mandatory in America long, long before Donald Trump came along. If making kids — or anyone — take vaccines led to fascism, then a Trump would have arrived long before.

I know that's a ridiculous claim. But I want you to really understand why. Fascism? That's when hate is institutionalised by an authoritarian party, who uses the instruments of state to violently repress and brutalise scapegoated minorities to the point of torture and genocide. Vaccines are the precise opposite — they enhance and boost everyone's health. They're the furthest thing from fascism there ever is or could be.

Now let's come back to the central question. Do vaccines infringe on "liberty" and "freedom"? There's a pretty simple way to answer that question. What do you give up if you have to get vaccinated? The answer is: nothing. You gain something, and so does everyone else: public health.

Your freedom is infringed not just when you're "coerced," but when you actually pay a price. It's not coercion, for example, if I make you accept a million dollars you don't want. It's not coercion if I magically put it in your bank account. You might not want it — but that's not an infringement of freedom.

Let me put that to you another way to make it crystal clear. Freedom isn't just "I get to do whatever I want, no matter what!!" That's free-dumb, the American libertarian notion, a child or sociopaths' idea, take your pick.

The best definition of freedom there is comes from the Nobel laureate Amartya Sen. He says that freedom is your "capabilities." That means, roughly speaking, how much potential you have. How long can you live? How many relationships can you have? How close will they be? How happy and meaningful will your days be? How much responsibility can you take for living in a way that fulfills all that potential?

That's freedom. And that beautiful, wise, noble definition of freedom? Well, they don't teach it to you in America because they hate it. All the white dudes, the elites, the economists and pundits and whatnot. Sen is Indian. He's always been against orthodox economics, which is why he developed this theory, by pointing that even a slave can be brainwashed into thinking they're free, if you give them slightly nicer stuff — but they won't be richer in potential in any way, which is what freedom really is.

This definition of freedom is so wise and beautiful because it explains why sensible people intuitvely, instantly think the American right's idea of "liberty" is so maddeningly stupid. In what sense is carrying a gun to Starbucks "freedom"? Or how is turning down a vaccine "freedom"? Or how is denying someone else healthcare "freedom"?

Sen's definition of freedom patiently explains to us: these things infuriate us because they're diminution of potential, thefts of it. The guy carrying a machine gun to Starbucks ruins everyone else's sense of safety. The one denying everyone else healthcare costs a whole society longevity, happiness, trust, peace of mind.

Sen's definition of freedom — what American intellectuals derisively call "positive freedom," and think of something to be avoided — can emerge from norms, or laws, or both. In that sense freedom itself is a public good, not just an individual one.

They don't feel like freedom because they're not.

Freedom in this sense is the diametrical opposite of American extremist notions of "liberty." Those are "doing whatever you want, even if it means someone else dies because they can't medicine, get sick, get poor, etc." That's not freedom for anyone — even you, because it costs you in the end, too, public goods, like health or education or trust or happiness. Real freedom? It's something much much more sophisticated, humane, and grown-up than American "liberty."

It's something more like: "I accept responsibility for my own potential, and for that of my society, too. Nobody here is an island. I have a responsibility to make the most of myself — not just as a consumer, but as a human being, to live a meaningful, worthy, fulfilled life. And I also have a responsibility to enable others to live that way, too. When I can balance those responsibilities in a way that yields more than the sum of their parts, then I begin to be truly free."

That's tough. It's complex. It's not easy. It requires a much, much more nuanced, sophisticated ethics than "getting vaccinated is fascism!!" It makes you think about why you're really here, and what you should really be doing with this one brief life. It makes you genuinely begin to value yourself and the lives around you in deep and enduring and serious ways.

All that is why lovers of American style "liberty" seem consistently opposed to their own freedom — and yours. They're not really lovers of freedom, at least in the sense of the expansion of human potential. They're the opposite. Bullies, authoritarians, abusers. The guy carrying the gun to Starbucks? He's doing it to bully everyone else — nobody's going to shoot him, for Pete's sake. But he's also the one, probably, crying "vaccines are fascism!" Again, that's not about freedom — how could it be? — it's just about the right to harm others.

But the right to harm others is not freedom. It never has been. Lovers of American liberty make that fundamental mistake: they equate the right to harm others with their own personal choices and responsibilities, and call that "freedom." But your freedom ends where my potential begins. You don't have the right, really, to take away my health, meaning, relationships, dignity, happiness, sanity — or at least, in a modern society, you shouldn't.

Liberty in the American notion is the right to harm, threaten, intimidate, bully, aggress — which is why America is such a weirdly hostile, abusive society. But true freedom? It's the very opposite of all that. It's not having to be that guy. The one who needs to drag someone else down to feel lifted up, who needs to hurt someone to feel better about themselves, because they feel worthless to begin with. True freedom is the power to lift up. And not just the power, but the strength — the gentleness, the wisdom, the sorrow, and the grace.

Don't let America's idiots convince you that "liberty" and freedom are the same things. They're not. Liberty is an addled, confused notion, the bastard child of Ayn Ran, Nietzsche, the ideologically fanatical Chicago School economists who worshipped them, and greedy politicians like Mitch McConnell who realised they could make a fortune off the folly of it. Liberty in the American sense doesn't make you more free — only less so. If it did, Americans would have the world's best healthcare, education, transport, the best lives — instead, they have some of the worst. Americans may have liberty — but they don't have freedom. Not yet, in the sense that Europeans and Canadians do.

Vaccine mandates in that sense are interesting because they illuminate a central question. They're one of the few things America's ever done right. They're not "liberty," in the dumb American sense — but they've expanded freedom in profound and enduring ways, by massively boosting public health, longevity, happiness, trust, giving millions illness-free childhoods. They're proof that American "liberty" doesn't free you, and that freedom doesn't come from American "liberty," either.

That's the difference, right there, between liberty and freedom. Americans would do well to think about it more carefully. Because from what I can see — and most of my European and Canadian friends can, too — America's a long, long way from really being free.




Umair
July 2021