Sunday, September 26, 2021

ANS -- HCR September 25, 2021 (Saturday) difference between Repubs and Dems

Here's another from Heather Cox Richardson.  She is discussing the difference in outlook between Republicans and Democrats. 
--Kim


September 25, 2021 (Saturday)
For weeks now, I have vowed that I would finish these letters early and get to bed before midnight, and for weeks now, I have finally finished around three in the morning. That was not the case two years ago, when I started writing these at the start of the Ukraine crisis: it was rare enough for me to be writing until midnight that I vividly remember the first time it happened.
I got to thinking today about why things seem more demanding today than they did two years ago, and it strikes me that what makes the writing more time consuming these days is that we have two all-consuming stories running in parallel, and together they illuminate the grand struggle we are in for the survival of American democracy.
On the one hand we have the former president and the attempts by him and his loyalists to seize control of our country regardless of the will of the majority of voters, while Republican Party leaders are refusing to speak out in the hopes that they can retain power to continue advancing their agenda.
Since the 1980s, this branch of the Republican Party has tried to dismantle the government in place since the 1930s that tries to protect equality in America, regulating business, providing a basic social safety net, and promoting infrastructure. Members of this faction of the Republican Party—the faction that is now in control of it—want to take the government back to the 1920s, when businessmen controlled the government, operating it to try to create a booming economy without regard for social or environmental consequences.
Although initially unhappy at Donald Trump's elevation to the White House, that faction embraced him as he advanced the tax cuts, deregulation, and destruction of government offices they believed were central to freeing businessmen to advance the economy. Believing that Democrats' determination to use the government to level the playing field among Americans would destroy the individualism that supports the economy, they had come to believe that Democrats could not legitimately govern the country. And so, members of this Republican faction did not back away when Trump refused to accept the election of a Democratic president in 2020.
Almost a year later, the leadership of the Republican Party, composed now as it is of Trump loyalists, is undermining our democracy. It has fallen in line behind Trump's Big Lie that he and not Biden won the 2020 election, and that the Democratic Party engaged in voter fraud to install their candidate. This is a lie, but Republicans at the state level are using that lie to justify new election laws that suppress Democratic votes and put control of state elections into their own hands. If those laws are allowed to stand, we will be a democracy in name only. We will likely still have elections, but, just as in Russia or Hungary now, the mechanics of the system will mean that only the president's party can win.
This attack on our democracy is unprecedented, and it cannot be ignored. Tonight, for example, Trump held a "rally" in Perry, Georgia, where, to cheers, he straight up lied that the recent "audit" in Arizona proved he won the 2020 election. And yet, to overemphasize the antics of the former president and his supporters enables them to grow to larger proportions than they deserve, feeding their power. Tonight, for example, Newsmax and OAN covered Trump's rally live, but the Fox News Channel did not, and the audience appeared bored.
On the other hand, in contrast to the former president's party, President Joe Biden and the Democrats are trying to demonstrate that democracy actually works. Rather than simply fighting the Republicans, which would permit the Republicans to define the terms under which they govern, they are defending the active government the Republicans have set out to destroy. Biden has been clear since he took office that he intends to strengthen democracy abroad, where it is under pressure from rising autocratic governments, by strengthening it at home.
To that end, he and the Democrats in Congress have aggressively worked to pass legislation that benefits ordinary Americans. The wait for such legislation to appear can be frustrating, but that is in part because the Democrats are actually doing the kind of work that used to be commonplace in Congress: hammering out compromises, finding votes, arguing, amending legislation.
Today, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) released a letter she sent to her caucus, telling members they must vote this week to pass a continuing resolution to fund the government, as well as the two major infrastructure bills on which they have been working for months: the Build Back Better Act and the bipartisan infrastructure bill. While news stories have often turned the negotiations over these bills into a fight between moderate and progressive Democrats, it is important to remember that while a handful of Republicans were willing to agree to rebuild roads and bridges and to bring broadband to rural areas, most of them are simply not negotiating at all. They reject the idea that the government should invest in infrastructure, especially that kind outlined in the Build Back Better measure: infrastructure involving childcare, elder care, and climate change. And if they can run out the clock and convince voters that government can't get anything done, so much the better.
Democrats disagree about the details of their measures—exactly as one would expect from a big-tent party—but they all accept the principle that the government should actively help ordinary Americans. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Senator Joe Manchin (D-WV) might disagree on the size of the infrastructure package they want, but they both agree that the government should support infrastructure.
Republicans reject that idea, standing instead on the principle that the government should simply stay out of the way of businessmen, who are better equipped to manage the country than bureaucrats. The Charles Koch–backed Americans for Prosperity, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and the National Federation of Independent Business are all pouring money into defeating the $3.5 trillion Build Back Better bill, warning: "A government takeover of our economy is a fundamental departure from the spirit of entrepreneurialism we've relied on for generations to drive prosperity, and there's only one outcome—unmitigated economic disaster that will be difficult to reverse."
The profound disagreement between the Republicans and the Democrats over the role of government has led to a profound crisis in our democracy. Democrats' argument that the government should work for ordinary Americans is popular, so popular that Republicans have apparently given up convincing voters their way is better. Through voter suppression, gerrymandering, the filibuster, and the Electoral College, and now with new election laws in 18 states, they have guaranteed that they will retain control no matter what voters actually want. Their determination to keep Democrats from power has made them abandon democracy.
For their part, Democrats are trying to protect the voting rights at the heart of our democracy, believing that if all eligible Americans can vote, they will back a government that works for the people.
And so, the task of writing these letters has gotten more complicated of late. I try to detail the growing threat that the Republicans will succeed in destroying our democracy while also explaining the ways in which the Biden administration is trying to move beyond the current crisis to demonstrate the vitality of American democracy.
And, always, I try to keep front and center that these fights are not academic. They are, fundamentally, a fight to determine whether a nation, "conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal...can long endure."
May be an image of one or more people, monument and text that says 'TEMPLE PEOPLE IN THEH UNION FOR WHOM WHOM LINCOLN ENSHRINED FOREVER'
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Thursday, September 23, 2021

ANS -- Brad Hicks on the Pope

Here's a very short article about the Pope by Brad Hicks.  It was posted with an article on the Pope from the Washington Post.  But this is enough: 
--Kim


When Father Bergolgio was picked to be pope, I was pretty disgusted because I knew of his rumored closeness to the fascist generals who ran Argentina during The Dirty War.
Then, AFTER he had been sworn in as Pope Francis, one of his closest friends back in Argentina went to the press with the story that Bergoglio had socialized with, and served as a confessor for, the fascist generals specifically to spy on them, that information he smuggled out of their social circle saved at the very least dozens of lives, maybe hundreds. That he put his own life at risk and spent his own money to provide leftists with fake travel papers and smuggle them out of the country once he found out that his "friends" intended to have them "disappeared."
So today's story serves as yet another reminder that I believed, at the time, that the college of cardinals thought that they were going to get another fascist like his predecessor, the former Nazi Youth member Pope Benedict. I still can't prove it, but I still think so. I think that they accidentally elected an actual Christian to the papacy is something that the college of cardinals works to overturn every day.

ANS -- HCR September 22, 2021 (Wednesday) the attempted coup

Here's another from Heather Cox Richardson.  This is a summary of what is coming out about the attempted coup by Trump and friends.  She seems to think that Trump is suing Mary Trump and the New York Times to distract from what they are discovering about the coup.  
--Kim


September 22, 2021 (Wednesday)
CNN's bombshell revelation of Trump loyalist lawyer John Eastman's six-point memo of instructions for overturning the 2020 election—discussed in the new book by veteran journalists Bob Woodward and Robert Costa—seems to be sparking a reckoning with how dangerous the Trump loyalists are to the survival of American democracy.
Eastman responded to the story by saying the released memo was only a draft and then giving CNN the final version, which was longer but no less damning—just how damning was indicated by two separate things.
First, J. Michael Luttig, the former United States Circuit Judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit whom Pence had asked for advice about whether he could overturn the election results, quickly took to Twitter to distance himself from the story, saying: "I was honored to advise Vice President Pence that he had no choice on January 6, 2021, but to accept and count the Electoral College votes as they had been cast and properly certified by the states…. I believe(d) that Professor Eastman was incorrect at every turn of the analysis in his January 2 memorandum." Eastman had been Luttig's law clerk.
Second, former president Trump promptly sued his niece Dr. Mary L. Trump, the New York Times, and three New York Times reporters, claiming they were part of an "insidious plot" to obtain and publish his tax records "to gain fame, notoriety, acclaim and a financial windfall and were further intended to advance their political agenda." Although the New York Times articles accused Trump of tax fraud, the former president did not claim libel or defamation in the suit. Legal analyst and former federal prosecutor Joyce Alene White Vance noted that to win on that point, he would have to prove that the reporting about his finances wasn't true, and he was all but conceding he could not do that.
Trump used a lawyer that he has not used before to launch the suit, which Mary Trump, whose doctorate is in psychology, dismissed as the work of a desperate "loser" who was "going to throw anything against the wall he can."
Eastman was no fly-by-night; he is a senior member of the Federalist Society and clerked for Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas (as well as for Judge Luttig). Eastman's standing in the so-called conservative movement makes it all the more astonishing that, to my knowledge, no leading Republican lawmaker has commented on the revelations of just how close we came to the installation of Trump instead of the duly elected presidential candidate, Joe Biden, in January.
Instead, Republican lawmakers are making headlines by refusing even to negotiate over the debt ceiling, simply saying the Democrats are on their own. They appear to be trying to replace one crisis with another, trying to turn public attention away from Trump's attempted coup to the idea that Democrats are wild spendthrifts (although the Trump administration added about $7.8 trillion of today's $28 trillion debt, and during his term, Congress voted to raise the debt ceiling three times).
It is impossible to overstate just how momentous are both an attempted coup and an attempt to force the U.S. to default on its debts.
Other news about the Trump administration and the January 6 Capitol insurrection is surfacing, as well.
On Monday, a federal court in Washington, D.C. unsealed an indictment alleging that, with the help of conservative author Doug Wead, Jesse Benton, a political operative from Kentucky closely allied with Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) and Senator Rand Paul (R-KY), illegally directed foreign money from a Russian businessman to the 2016 Trump campaign. That the Department of Justice sat on the case for close to five years, even while the question of connections between the Trump campaign and Russians was white hot, suggests political interference with that department.
On Tuesday, the New York Times broke the story that in November 2020, when leaders from the Trump campaign began insisting before television cameras that the election of two weeks before had been stolen by George Soros and Venezuelans using Dominion voting systems, they had already circulated an internal memo debunking that entire conspiracy theory.
It seems they knew what they were alleging was false. The document surfaced in a lawsuit: Dominion has sued Trump lawyers Sidney Powell and Rudy Giuliani for defamation. This memo will not help their case.
Today, Hugo Lowell, congressional reporter for The Guardian, reported that the House select committee investigating the 6 January attack on the U.S. Capitol is considering issuing non-negotiable subpoenas this week for Trump's White House chief of staff Mark Meadows and his deputy chief Dan Scavino, as well as Trump's former campaign manager Brad Parscale.
A far right Republican from North Carolina, Meadows helped to found the Freedom Caucus and was one of Trump's closest supporters in Congress before taking the chief of staff job. Scavino ran Trump's social media accounts—including Twitter—and was one of the former president's closest confidants. Parscale was the Trump campaign's digital manager after being replaced as campaign manager in July 2020. Subpoenas for the phone records or testimony of these three men would help the committee members figure out what was happening inside the Oval Office on January 6.
Tonight on MSNBC, committee member Adam Schiff (D-CA), a former federal prosecutor who is chair of the House Intelligence Committee and was lead manager for Trump's first impeachment trial, told anchor Nicolle Wallace that the committee is investigating the activities surrounding January 6 as "a conspiracy to commit a coup."
Schiff warned that while Trump loyalists tried to undermine democracy on January 6, mounting evidence suggests that through voter suppression and the replacement of nonpartisan election officials with boards of Trump loyalists, Republican lawmakers are continuing that effort today.
"We're going to follow the facts," said Representative Liz Cheney (R-WY), the committee's vice chair. "What happened in the run-up to January 6, what happened on the 6th. What happened after the 6th."
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