Saturday, March 16, 2019

ANS -- Sea Level Rise in Bay Area is Going to Be Much More Destructive Than We Think, Says USGS Study

Here are two short articles about sea level rise, and no more drought in California.  Turns out all the previous data about sea level rise didn't add in waves or storms.  Now that they have, it's looking a good deal worse.  SFO and Foster City are particularly vulnerable.  and the drought is down from 97% of California to 1%.  
--Kim


Sea Level Rise in Bay Area is Going to Be Much More Destructive Than We Think, Says USGS Study

Mar 13
One inundation scenario for the Bay Area according to new data from a USGS report on sea level rise in California. The scenario pictured reflects a rise of 3.3 feet, which is within the projected range according to the 4th California Climate Assessment of 2016. (Our Coast Our Future)

The ocean is rocked by storms and its tides ebb with the moon. Waves eat away at the shore, rearranging the sand and bringing cliff-side structures crashing into the surf. It doesn't behave like water in a bathtub.

Interactive mapping tool - California inundation zones under different sea level rise scenarios

But for simplicity's sake (and because scientists are still learning about how climate change will melt glaciers), researchers have generally projected sea level rise as if the ocean will remain still and calm as it creeps up on crucial infrastructure and seaside neighborhoods.

new study from the U.S. Geological Survey says the predicted damage from sea level rise in California triples once tides, storms and erosion are taken into account.

"There are many communities that are planning by only considering this in a bathtub and not considering the fact that that'll be on top of these episodic storm events that'll cause most of the short term impacts," said the study's lead author, Patrick Barnard, a USGS coastal geologist based in Santa Cruz.

The study showed that, once these variables are taken into account, more than $150 billion worth of property and infrastructure and about 600,000 coastal residents could be flooded by the end of the century.

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About two-thirds of that property and those lives at risk are in and around the San Francisco Bay, said Barnard, who is the research director of the Climate Impacts and Coastal Processes Team at USGS.

"We've effectively built on an estuary with millions of people just above sea level," he said. "We're in a highly vulnerable position in the Bay Area."

More Sloshing From Storms, More Damage

When the team's mathematical models factored in the variability of the tides, beach and cliff erosion, and once-in-decades storms, the predictions for coastal communities in a warming world got grim and wet.

The locations threatened by flooding are the usual suspects: Foster City, Pacifica, and the San Francisco International Airport. Southern California will also be hit hard, with the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach inundated and whole neighborhoods in Orange County under water during big storms and high tides.

To bring it home for planners and the public, the study included an interactive onlinemapping tool with multiple layers representing different scenarios: a king tide, interventions to shore up beaches and wetlands, and various levels of sea rise. Users can look up their neighborhoods, their commutes, their favorite beaches or the port where their latest online order entered the U.S.

Most scenarios quickly put SFO under water. Others flood marinas and homes in Foster City. Highway 101 along the Peninsula gets very wet when sea level rise and storms combine.

The goal of this imagery is "to make it accessible to high-level policy people by translating the physical impacts into the socioeconomic impacts," Barnard said.

The effects of climate change are already apparent every winter, he said. For example, Highway 37 in Marin County just reopened after a levee broke during last month's storms.

"Maybe that happens once a winter every five years or something. In the future, we're going to see — instead of once or every five years —it's going to happen every year," he said.

After a couple of decades, that flooding will likely happen five times per year, then 20 times per year, Barnard said. Eventually, winter storms will send seawater creeping into areas that have never seen flooding before.

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Molly Peterson contributed to this report. 

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WATER

All of California Is Now Out of Drought, According to U.S. Drought Monitor

Mar 11

This particular California winter has unfolded in good news/bad news fashion. Courtesy of a string of recurring atmospheric rivers, potent storms have caused flooding, power outages and canceled flights. But they have also -- by at least one key measure -- lifted the state completely out of drought.

The weekly map released by the U.S. Drought Monitor on Mar. 14 shows no remaining vestiges of California in moderate-or-more severe levels of drought. Less than 7 percent of the state remains "abnormally dry" (yellow areas).

Map: U.S. Drought MonitorThe U.S. Drought Monitor's California map shows no areas in drought, for the first time in more than seven years. (National Drought Mitigation Ctr.)

It's worth noting that while the Drought Monitor, produced jointly by the National Drought Mitigation Center at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, with the U.S. Department of Agriculture and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, is one measure of drought conditions, it's a fairly comprehensive one. Authors take a broad array of factors into account, including groundwater conditions where data is available.

On the left, below, you can see the map released last week by the U.S. Drought Monitor, which is almost completely devoid of colors indicating various levels of parchedness. On the right is the same map from three years ago, bleeding brick-red and showing nearly 40 percent of the state in the most advanced stage of drought.

The California drought map as of March 5, 2019 is on the left. On the right is the map from March 8, 2016. (U.S. Drought Monitor)

KQED Science Managing Editor Paul Rogers recently wrote about the state's stunning water comeback for the San Jose Mercury News, where he reports on science and the environment. Here are some key points from Rogers about current water conditions in California, taken from an interview with KQED's Brian Watt (numbers reflect the Drought Monitor issued on Mar. 5.)

People were worried at one point about another drought developing. How about now? 

After a dry winter last year and a dry December this year, people were starting to worry that the kind of drought conditions we saw between 2012 and 2016 might be coming back. But then it started raining like crazy, particularly in February and through early March, and those rains have really washed away fears of a returning drought. The new report showed that less than 1 percent of California, a tiny sliver up near Oregon, is still in a drought, and it's classified as "moderate." So our reservoirs are full, our rivers are full, and things are looking good in terms of the state's water supply.

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How long has it been since the state's water tank has been this full?

You have  to go back to December 2011 to find a time when such a small amount of the state has been in drought.

Just by comparison, a year ago, 47 percent of California was in  drought. In March 2016, 97 percent of California was in a drought. Now we're at 1 percent.

How do the storms of this year compare to those of the past?

We have a really good historical rainfall record in San Francisco, going all the way back to 1850. In February, San Francisco saw 7.6 inches of rain. That's twice as much as the historical average and the largest amount of rain in 10 years. The month's rain total was the 16th most in a February In 169 years, according to the records.

What happened to cause the turnaround in precipitation?

Remember the "Ridiculously Resilient Ridge?" That was a big mass of high pressure air sitting in the Pacific Ocean. It acted like a large boulder in a river, blocking the storms trying to make their way to California, pushing them up into Canada and other places. That ridge is long gone, and low-pressure zones are setting up conditions where these wet atmospheric river storms from the tropics just keep barreling into the state, one after the other.

ANS -- Joe Biden's meeting with Stacey Abrams sparks speculation

I am sending this short article because it contains a list of some of the stuff Joe Biden has done in his career.  Make your own judgement whether you like it or not.  
--Kim


Joe Biden's meeting with Stacey Abrams sparks speculation

The former vice president and the Georgia politician robbed of the governorship met privately on Thursday


MATTHEW ROZSA
MARCH 15, 2019 4:40PM (UTC)

Former Vice President Joe Biden had a private meeting with former Georgia House Minority Leader Stacey Abrams on Thursday, prompting speculation about the implications of that conversation for each one's potential presidential candidacy.

A source close to Abrams confirmed the meeting and said that it occurred at Biden's request, according to the Associated Press. The meeting is significant because Biden represents the moderate, establishment wing of the Democratic Party and is widely expected to be an instant frontrunner if he decides to seek the presidential nomination in 2020. Abrams, by contrast, has run as an unabashed progressive and, because her most significant public office was that of a state legislator, she would normally not be considered as a viable presidential contender. That said, Abrams' defeat at the hands of Republican Brian Kemp during last year's gubernatorial election was widely viewed as tainted due to rampant voter suppression, and Abrams' star has risen within the party to the point where she delivered a response to President Donald Trump's State of the Union address earlier this year.

Consequently, Abrams is being courted as a possible Senate candidate in 2020 — or even a possible presidential or vice presidential candidate that same year.

Abrams has admitted to having a possible interest in the presidential race, but less so in running for the Senate. As she told the AP, "My objective is to make sure I want to do that job, and because I'd not thought about the Senate before — it had never been in my list of considerations."

She added, "The Senate is a different way to tackle the issues I see. It is a continuation of my legislative work, which I appreciated, but it's an indirect solution to some of the challenges I see."

Regarding the presidency, however, Abrams tweeted earlier this week that "in #LeadFromTheOutside, I explore how to be intentional about plans, but flexible enough to adapt. 20 years ago, I never thought I'd be ready to run for POTUS before 2028. But life comes at you fast - as I shared in Q&A w @Yamiche at @sxsw. Now 2020 is definitely on the table..."

Biden's potential candidacy comes with challenges of its own. During his Senate career he took many positions that are out of step with the modern Democratic Party, such as by supporting a controversial 1993 crime bill that critics believe exacerbated America's mass incarceration crisis, opposing antitrust legislation, initially opposing Roe v. Wade and supporting Ronald Reagan's policies on tax reductions for the wealthy and putting a freeze on Social Security spending. Despite these drawbacks, though, Biden has also benefited from the good will resulting from his close friendship with former President Barack Obama, who remains a beloved figure in the Democratic Party.


MATTHEW ROZSA

Matthew Rozsa is a breaking news writer for Salon. He holds an MA in History from Rutgers University-Newark and is ABD in his PhD program in History at Lehigh University. His work has appeared in Mic, Quartz and MSNBC.

ans -- Sara Robinson on the terrorism in New Zealand

This is what Sara Robinson wrote about the tragedy in New Zealand.  they were just visiting there a few days ago.  
--Kim


A little over a month ago, Evan was being chatted up by a retired fisherman out front of the one and only grocery store on Stewart Island, the little "third island" off the south end of New Zealand. They got talking politics. "Are there extremists in New Zealand?" Evan asked him.

The guy curled up his weathered face in a wry grin. The question itself seemed silly on its face. "Nah, son -- there's nothing extreme about New Zealand."

That became a sort of mantra for our trip, a phrase we returned to every time we marveled at how level-headed and sane the Kiwis seemed to be in comparison to us. Over and over, we couldn't help but notice: things just worked. The social contract held. Things that needed to be done got done. There are serious issues of equity and justice, to be sure; but everybody seemed to be in agreement about what they were, and that they ought to be solved. They believed it, and we felt it: whatever the issue, the good faith and good will of New Zealanders was sure to win out in the end.

Two weeks and one day before the shooting, we checked into our hotel in Christchurch -- just one block away from Al Noor Mosque. The area between the mosque and the hotel is a block of beautiful old Art Deco buildings that's been turned into a lively shopping street, with lights and music and restaurants drawing busy summer evening crowds. A restaurant built into a fully restored old wooden trolley occasionally makes its way through. We were there on the eve of the Chinese New Year, and the locals were gathering for a lantern festival in the nearby park and gardens.

It was normal, in all the best senses of healthy and happy and unperturbed. There's nothing extreme about New Zealand, we said again, basking in the summer night air.

But now we know: we were blessed to be there in the last innocent moments in which that could honestly be said. Thursday's shooting can't help but change Kiwis' concept of themselves, the way 9/11 changed our concept of who we are. That sweet and reasonable sense of openness and moderation that seems so central to who they are will never again seem quite so assured. They will never again be able to take it for granted in that same easy way.

The loss of life is horrific. One in five hundred of the nation's Muslims was hurt or killed in the attack. There's never been a mass murder of this scale anywhere in the country in modern times. But the loss of the core sense of Kiwi sensibility -- the security that there's nothing extreme about New Zealand -- is also probably a permanent loss. The insanity of the larger world has finally crossed the broad oceans, and touched them; and because of that, they can never be quite the same.

The fact that the shooter was an Australian will be deemed rather important (and, with the characteristically abbreviated charity typically extended to their bigger neighbor, judged to be unsurprising). It's the fact that will allow them to keep telling themselves that no real Kiwi would have done this. There's still nothing extreme about New Zealanders, even if this particular extreme thing happened in New Zealand.

But I wonder how long that will hold. I still grieve what 9/11 has done to Americans. It was a long, dark rip through our national soul that continues to fester and bleed, turning us into something far crueler and darker that we were before. Having that evil visited on us has made us more willing to contemplate evil in return. The knowledge that yes, these things can happen here, on our soil, in our safest spaces, is a violation, a trauma, that cannot help but change how you look at everything -- especially your own assured sense of security -- forever after.

I was privileged to get to know that lovely country in the last moments before that trauma -- the final days when it could be said, in truth, that there is nothing extreme about New Zealand. I hope to hell that they handle it better than we did. It seems possible that they might: Christchurch was utterly flattened just three years ago in a massive (one might even say extreme) earthquake, and is still very actively in a process of rising out of the rubble. People who live in earthquake country develop a sort of blithe resilience; Kiwis, like Californians, will take certain forms of devastation in stride.

But there's nothing in their history that has prepared them for an event like this. I wish them hope and strength to hold onto that core sense of who they are, even as their world has suddenly become extreme in a way it never was before. I hope they hold onto each other, and their values, and their own profound sense of themselves as reasonable and gracious. I hope the trauma doesn't make them mean, the way it's made us and so many other nations mean.

The world needs more New Zealand. Especially the part that's able to deal with extreme situations without becoming extreme in response.

Friday, March 15, 2019

ANS -- The Ideology of Isolation

IN this article, Rebecca Solnit sums up the right wing ideology and its connection to factlessness.  She mentions Thatcher's "There is no such thing as society". and then, "On a more fundamental level, the very idea of climate change is offensive to isolationists, because it tells us more powerfully and urgently than anything ever has that everything is connected, that nothing exists in isolation. "  Make sure you read the last two paragraphs.  
Here is the link, but there is a paywall, though they let me read it anyway....
Find it here: https://harpers.org/archive/2016/07/the-ideology-of-isolation/?fbclid=IwAR0eCoVVJuqnZTtrHt3Vdf9F0U15YkxfLlGonC339IHpPW443-qtcczuA54 
--Kim

The Ideology of Isolation

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If you boil the strange soup of contemporary right-wing ideology down to a sort of bouillon cube, you find the idea that things are not connected to other things, that people are not connected to other people, and that they are all better off unconnected. The core values are individual freedom and individual responsibility: yourself for yourself on your own. Out of this Glorious Disconnect comes all sorts of illogical thinking. Taken to its conclusion, this worldview dictates that even facts are freestanding items that the self-made man can manufacture for use as he sees fit.

This is the modern ideology we still call conservative, though it is really a sort of loopy libertarianism that inverts some of the milder propositions of earlier conservative thinkers. "There is no such thing as society," Margaret Thatcher said in 1987. The rest of her famous remark is less frequently quoted:

There is [a] living tapestry of men and women and people and the beauty of that tapestry and the quality of our lives will depend upon how much each of us is prepared to take responsibility for ourselves and each of us prepared to turn round and help by our own efforts those who are unfortunate.

Throughout that interview with Woman's Own magazine, Thatcher walked the line between old-school conservatism — we are all connected in a delicate tapestry that too much government meddling might tear — and the newer version: "Too many children and people have been given to understand, 'I have a problem, it's the government's job to cope with it.' " At some point in the decades since, the balance tipped definitively from "government aid should not replace social connections" to "to hell with others and their problems." Or as the cowboy sings to the calf, "It's your misfortune / And none of my own."

The cowboy is the American embodiment of this ideology of isolation, though the archetype of the self-reliant individual — like the contemporary right-wing obsession with guns — has its roots less in actual American history than in the imagined history of Cold War–era westerns. The American West was indigenous land given to settlers by the U.S. government and cleared for them by the U.S. Army, crisscrossed by government-subsidized railroads and full of water projects and other enormous cooperative enterprises. All this has very little to do with Shane and the sheriff in High Noon and the Man with No Name in Sergio Leone's spaghetti-western trilogy. But never mind that, because a cowboy silhouetted against a sunset looks so good, whether he's Ronald Reagan or the Marlboro Man. The loner taketh not, nor does he give; he scorneth the social and relies on himself alone.

Himself. Women, in this mode of thinking, are too interactive, in their tendency to gather and ally rather than fight or flee, and in their fluid boundaries. In fact, what is sometimes regarded as an inconsistency in the contemporary right-wing platform — the desire to regulate women's reproductive activity in particular and sexuality in general — is only inconsistent if you regard women as people. If you regard women as an undifferentiated part of nature, their bodies are just another place a man has every right to go.

Justice Clarence Thomas's first public questions after a decade of silence during oral arguments at the Supreme Court came this February, when he took an intense interest in whether barring those convicted of misdemeanor domestic violence from owning guns violated their constitutional rights. That there is a constitutional right for individuals to own guns is a gift of Antonin Scalia's radically revisionist interpretation of the Second Amendment, and it's propped up on the cowboy ethos in which guns are incredibly useful for defending oneself from bad guys, and one's right to send out bullets trumps the right of others not to receive them. Pesky facts demonstrate that very few people in this country successfully use guns to defend themselves from bad people — unless you count the nearly two thirds of American gun deaths that are suicides as a sad and peculiar form of self-defense. The ideologues of isolation aren't interested in those facts, or in the fact that the majority of women murdered by intimate partners in the United States are killed with guns.

But I was talking about cowboys. In West of Everything, Jane Tompkins describes how westerns valued deeds over words, a tight-lipped version of masculinity over communicative femininity, and concludes:

Not speaking demonstrates control not only over feelings but over one's physical boundaries as well. The male . . . maintains the integrity of the boundary that divides him from the world. (It is fitting that in the Western the ultimate loss of that control takes place when one man puts holes in another man's body.)

Fear of penetration and the fantasy of impenetrable isolation are central to both homophobia and the xenophobic mania for "sealing the border." In other words, isolation is good, freedom is disconnection, and good fences, especially on the U.S.–Mexico border, make good neighbors.

Both Mitt Romney and Donald Trump have marketed themselves as self-made men, as lone cowboys out on the prairie of the free market, though both were born rich. Romney, in a clandestinely videotaped talk to his wealthy donors in 2012, disparaged people "who are dependent upon government, who believe that they are victims, who believe that government has a responsibility to care for them, who believe that they are entitled to health care, to food, to housing, to you name it."

Taxes represent connection: what we each give to the collective good. This particular form of shared interest has been framed as a form of oppression for more than three decades, at least since Ronald Reagan, in his first inaugural address, bemoaned a "tax system which penalizes successful achievement."

The spread of this right-wing hatred of taxes has been helped along by the pretense that taxes go to loafers and welfare queens who offend the conservative idea of independence, rather than to things conservatives like (notably, a military that dwarfs all others) or systems that everyone needs (notably, roads and bridges).

Iran into this hatred for dependency in an online discussion of the police killing of a homeless man in San Francisco in April. More than a hundred messages into a fairly civil discourse started by a witness to the shooting, a commenter erupted,

I'm sick of people like you that think homeless people who can't take care of themselves and their families have left them for us taxpaying citizens to care for think they have freedom. Once you can't take care of or support yourself, and expect others to carry your burden, you have lost freedom. Wake up.

The same commenter later elaborated, "Have you ever owed money? Freedom lost. You owe someone. It's called personal responsibility."

Everyone on that neighborhood forum, including the writer, likely owed rent to a landlord or mortgage payments to a bank, making them more indebted than the homeless in their tents. If you're housed in any American city, you also benefit from a host of services, such as water and sanitation and the organizations overseeing them, as well as from traffic lights and transit rules and building codes — the kind of stuff taxes pay for. But if you forget what you derive from the collective, you can imagine that you owe it nothing and can go it alone.

All this would have made that commenter's tirade incoherent, if its points weren't so familiar. This is the rhetoric of modern conservatives: freedom is a luxury that wealth affords you; wealth comes from work; those who don't work, never mind the cause, are undeserving. If freedom and independence are the ideal, dependence is not merely disdained; it's furiously loathed. In her novelistic paean to free enterprise Atlas Shrugged, Ayn Rand called dependents parasites and looters. "We don't want to turn the safety net into a hammock that lulls able-bodied people to lives of dependency and complacency," said one of Rand's admirers, Speaker of the House Paul Ryan, the man lately charged with saving the soul of conservatism from Trumpist apostasy.

The modern right may wish that every man were an island, entire of himself, but no one is wholly independent. You can't survive without taking air into your lungs, you didn't give birth to or raise yourself, you won't bury yourself, and in between you won't produce most of the goods and services you depend on to live. Your gut is full of microorganisms, without which you could not digest all the plants and animals, likely grown by other people, on which you rely to survive. We are nodes on intricate systems, synapses snapping on a great collective brain; we are in it together, for better or worse.

There is, of course, such a thing as society, and you're inside it. Beyond that, beneath it and above and around and within it and us, there is such a thing as ecology, the systems within which our social systems exist, and with which it often clashes.

Ecological thinking articulates the interdependence and interconnectedness of all things. This can be a beautiful dream of symbiosis when you're talking about how, say, a particular species of yucca depends on a particular moth to pollinate it, and how the larvae of that moth depend on the seeds of that yucca for their first meals. Or it can be a nightmare when it comes to how toxic polychlorinated biphenyls found their way to the Arctic, where they concentrated in human breast milk and in top-of-the-food-chain carnivores such as polar bears. John Muir, wandering in the Yosemite in 1869, put it this way: "When we try to pick out anything by itself, we find it hitched to everything else in the universe."

This traditional worldview — for a long time, it was called conservative, and stood in contrast to liberal individualism — could be seen as mystical or spiritual, but the accuracy of its description of natural systems within what we now call the biosphere is borne out by modern science. If you kill off the wolves in Yellowstone, elk populations will explode and many other plant and animal species will suffer; if you spray DDT on crops, then the stuff does the job you intended of killing off pests, but it will also, as Rachel Carson told us in 1962, kill the birds who would otherwise keep many insects and rodents in check.

All this causes great trouble for the ideology of isolation. It interferes with the right to maximum individual freedom, a freedom not to be bothered by others' needs. Which is why modern conservatives so insistently deny the realities of ecological interconnectedness, refusing to recognize that when you add something to or remove an element from an environment, you alter the whole in ways that may come back to bite you. The usual argument in defense of this pesticide or that oil platform is that impact does not spread, that the item in question does not become part of a far-reaching system, and sometimes — often, nowadays — that that far-reaching system does not itself exist.

No problem more clearly demonstrates the folly of individualist thinking — or more clearly calls for a systematic response — than climate change. The ideologues of isolation are doubly challenged by this fact. They reject the proposed solutions to climate change, because they bristle at the need for limits on production and consumption, for regulation, for cooperation between industry and government, and for international partnership. In 2011, Naomi Klein attended a meeting at the Heartland Institute, a libertarian think tank, and produced a landmark essay about why conservatives are so furiously opposed to doing anything about climate change. She quotes a man from the Competitive Enterprise Institute who declared, "No free society would do to itself what this agenda requires. . . . The first step to that is to remove these nagging freedoms that keep getting in the way." "Most of all, however," she reported, "I will hear versions of the opinion expressed by the county commissioner in the fourth row: that climate change is a Trojan horse designed to abolish capitalism and replace it with some kind of eco-socialism."

On a more fundamental level, the very idea of climate change is offensive to isolationists, because it tells us more powerfully and urgently than anything ever has that everything is connected, that nothing exists in isolation. What comes out of your tailpipe or your smokestack or your leaky fracking site contributes to the changing mix of the atmosphere, where carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases cause the earth to retain more of the heat that comes from the sun, which doesn't just result in what we used to call global warming, but will lead to climate chaos.

As the fact of climate change has become more and more difficult to deny, the ideologues of isolation deny instead our responsibility for the problem and the possibility that we are capable of acting collectively to do anything about it. "Climate change occurs no matter what," Paul Ryan said a few years ago. "The question is, can and should the federal government do something about it? And I would argue the federal government, with all its tax and regulatory schemes, can't." Of course it can, but he prefers that it not do so, which is why he denies human impact as a cause and human solutions as a treatment.

What keeps the ideology of isolation going is going to extremes. If you begin by denying social and ecological systems, then you end in denying the reality of facts, which are after all part of a network of systematic relationships between language, physical reality, and the record, regulated by the rules of evidence, truth, grammar, word meaning, and so forth. You deny the relationship between cause and effect, evidence and conclusion, or rather you imagine both as products on the free market, which one can produce and consume according to one's preferences. You deregulate meaning.

Absolute freedom means you can have any truth that you like, and isolation's ideologues like truths that keep free-market fundamentalism going. You can be like that unnamed senior adviser (probably Karl Rove), who in a mad moment of Bush-era triumphalism told Ron Suskind, "We're an empire now, and when we act, we create our own reality." Reality, in this worldview, is a product subject to market rules or military rules, and if you are dominant in the marketplace or rule the empire, your reality can push aside the other options. "Freedom" is just another word for nothing left to limit your options. And this is how the ideology of isolation becomes nihilism, trying to kill the planet and most living things on it with the confidence born of total disconnection.


ANS -- How Democrats Want to Tax the Rich

Here's the first article I have seen comparing some of the Democratic candidates for Pres.  It just compares four of a field that is above 15 now, and it only compares what they have had to say about raising money for the government, but it's a start.  It's from Bloomberg, so I would guess the numbers are pretty good, maybe conservative.  Notice, none of them have proposed just raising the taxes on corporations.  Why?
I hope the formatting comes through -- if not, go to the site to see it.  

--Kim


How Democrats Want to Tax the Rich

Published: March 4, 2019 Updated: March 5, 2019

Democrats are leading the 2020 presidential campaign with a slew of tax-the-rich proposals, representing a tone change revealing a party moving to the left.

The plans emerge as a bevy of Democratic contenders are trying to catch fire in a party that is unified in its hopes of defeating Trump next year. They are looking to ride a wave that reclaimed the House of Representatives for the party last November, and swept many unabashed progressives into office.

The ideas—ranging from annual millionaire taxes to levies on Wall Street trades—are the source of much-needed revenue to fund big-picture progressive ideas, including Medicare for all and free college tuition. The candidates' ideas of who should be taxed and how much they should pay are slated to be a key differentiator as they vie for their party's nomination.

2020 Presidential Candidates

Tax proposals from the 2020 Democratic hopefuls. Click to scroll to proposal details.👆

 

Income Tax
Corporate Tax
Tax on Assets
Financial Trades Tax
Kirsten Gillibrand
Levy a 0.5% tax on stock trades and a 0.1% tax on bond trades
Kamala Harris
Tax credits paid through rolling back some tax cuts
Bernie Sanders
Tax on estates that have a value above $3.5 million
Levy a 0.5% tax on stock trades and a 0.1% tax on bond trades
Elizabeth Warren
Tax households with a wealth above $50 million

Other Prominent Democrats

They are not running in the 2020 election, but their recommendations might influence the candidates. Click to scroll to proposal details.👆

Income Tax
Corporate Tax
Tax on Assets
Financial Trades Tax
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez
Tax at 70% on income over $10 million
Ilhan Omar
Make maximum marginal tax rate 90%
Brian Schatz
Levy a 0.1% tax on financial trades

Kirsten Gillibrand

Democratic Senator from New York

PROPOSAL
Levy a 0.5 percent tax on stock trades, and a 0.1 percent tax on bond trades.

WHAT'S IN PLACE NOW
Nothing comparable.

ANALYSIS
Gillibrand has signed on as a co-sponsor of Bernie Sanders's bill, which proposes to tax stock trades at 0.5 percent, and bond trades at 0.1 percent.

SUPPORT
Among likely voters, 42 percent would support a financial transaction tax, according to a survey conducted between April and May 2018.
  • Disapprove
  •  
  • Don't know
  •  
  • Approve

36%

22%

42%

Source: Lake Research Partner

Kamala Harris

Democratic Senator from California

PROPOSAL
Provide tax credits and direct payments to middle-income and low-income families by rolling back tax breaks for those making more than $100,000. Tax banks with more than $50 million in assets.

WHAT'S IN PLACE NOW
Low-income workers can claim the earned-income tax credit. The amount of the credit depends on how much one earns and how many children they have. The maximum income level to be eligible for the credit is about $55,000 for those who are married with three or more children.

ANALYSIS
The plan would cut taxes for middle earners, something Democrats have said Republicans didn't do enough of in their 2017 overhaul. However, Harris's plan is likely to cost more than $2.5 trillion, meaning she would need additional revenue raisers to fully pay for it.

Bernie Sanders

Independent Senator from Vermont

PROPOSAL
Set a 45 percent tax on the value of estates between $3.5 million and $10 million, increasing gradually to 77 percent for amounts more than $1 billion. Levy a 0.5 percent tax on stock trades, and a 0.1 percent tax on bond trades.

WHAT'S IN PLACE NOW
Current estate tax kicks in when an estate is worth about $11 million.

ANALYSIS
Sanders's expanded estate tax would tax more of an estate as it is handed down to the next generation. It has been successfully branded as the "death tax" by its opponents. The tax on financial products he has proposed would increase the cost of trades, and would likely curb high-frequency trading which critics say has contributed to market volatility.

SUPPORT
Half the country supports the estate tax proposal, according to a poll conducted in February 2019.
  • Disapprove
  •  
  • Don't know
  •  
  • Approve

29%

21%

50%

Source: Morning Consult/Politico
REVENUE
$2.2 trillion
over the next decade

Elizabeth Warren

Democratic Senator from Massachusetts

PROPOSAL
Levy a 2 percent tax on households with wealth above $50 million, and a 3 percent tax for those with wealth above $1 billion.

WHAT'S IN PLACE NOW
Nothing comparable.

ANALYSIS
Supporters say the tax would curb inequality. Critics say valuing private assets would create an administrative nightmare for the IRS.

SUPPORT
More than 60 percent of Americans would favor a wealth tax, according to a survey conducted in February 2019.
  • Disapprove
  •  
  • Don't know
  •  
  • Approve

20%

19%

61%

Source: Morning Consult/Politico
REVENUE
$2.75 trillion
over the next decade

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez

Democratic Representative for New York 14th District

PROPOSAL
Income over $10 million would be taxed at 70 percent.

WHAT'S IN PLACE NOW
The current top rate is 37 percent on income above $500,000.

ANALYSIS
The tax would increase the top tax brackets to a level not seen since the 1970s. It would do less to slow income inequality, as most top-earners get their income in the form of lower-taxed capital gains rather than wages.

SUPPORT
Forty-five percent of Americans would support such a measure, according to a survey conducted in February 2019.
  • Disapprove
  •  
  • Don't know
  •  
  • Approve

32%

23%

45%

Source: Morning Consult/Politico
REVENUE
$353 billion
over the next decade

Ilhan Omar

Democratic Representative for Minnesota 5th District

PROPOSAL
The maximum marginal tax rate would be set at 90 percent.

WHAT'S IN PLACE NOW
The current rate is 37 percent on income above $500,000.

ANALYSIS
The tax would go beyond many other proposals to increase levies on top earners. Opponents say taxes that approach 100 percent discourage people from expanding their businesses or innovating beyond a certain point. There are currently no estimates of how much money this tax would raise.

Brian Schatz

Democratic Senator from Hawaii

PROPOSAL
The financial trading tax would levy a 0.1 percent tax on trades of stocks, bonds and derivatives.

WHAT'S IN PLACE NOW
Nothing comparable.

ANALYSIS
The tax would limit the amount of high-frequency trading, but critics say it could decrease liquidity in financial markets.

SUPPORT
Among likely voters, 42 percent would support a financial transaction tax, according to a survey conducted between April and May 2018.
  • Disapprove
  •  
  • Don't know
  •  
  • Approve

36%

22%

42%

Source: Lake Research Partner
REVENUE
$777 billion
over the next decade

What Americans think of taxes

Since 2016, Americans' views on taxes have evolved. Where 16 percent of them used to think that corporate taxes were fair, 24 percent now think so.

In addition, Americans' perception of their own income tax has changed over the last two years: 45 percent now think they are paying too much in taxes, against 57 percent in 2016.

Americans' Views on Taxes

  • Too much
  •  
  • Fair
  •  
  • Not enough
Source: Gallup polls

Editor: Mira Rojanasakul

Sources: Revenue estimates are from the candidates. For Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the estimate comes from Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania. For Brian Schatz, the estimate comes from the Congressional Budget Office. Rest of the data compiled by Bloomberg.