Sunday, November 18, 2012

ANS -- Occupy Wall Street Gets Focused With a Splashy Debt-Relief Gala

Here's another short little piece about what Occupy is up to these days.  Jubilee strikes again.  They are randomly buying up debts (instead of letting collection agencies buy them) and paying them off.  They put on a show and raised over 5 million dollars for this.  It's a start....
Find it here:  http://readersupportednews.org/off-site-news-section/439-occupy/14577-occupys-debt-jubilee-begins    
--Kim


Occupy Wall Street Gets Focused With a Splashy Debt-Relief Gala

An Occupy Wall Street protestor holds up a cut up credit card d  

Exactly one year after Occupy Wall Street's eviction from Zuccotti Park, the movement hosted what may be its most focused and ingenious action ever. The People's Bailout at the Manhattan club Le Poisson Rouge was part telethon, part variety show, and part party, with one aim: kicking off Rolling Jubilee, the new debt-relief project from the movement's Strike Debt committee.

"Three hours?!" one kid exclaimed, his eyes wide, when the program was announced at the top of the show. "That's awesome." He was not being sarcastic.

The plan is disarmingly simple: Banks and credit card companies usually sell uncollected consumer debts to collection agencies at a steep discount. Rolling Jubilee is raising money to buy that same debt and, rather than collect the money owed, wipe it clean. "Together we can liberate debtors at random through a campaign of mutual support, good will, and collective refusal," the group explains on its website.

An initial wave of positive press led to nearly $200,000 in donations before the doors even opened, and by the end of the night, the live-streaming event had brought in enough funds to eliminate more than $5 million worth of debt. The group, which plans to start with medical debt before moving on to credit cards and tuition, is thrilled with its start, but harbors no illusions about making everyone's money troubles disappear.

"We've always seen the Rolling Jubilee as a means, not an end. We know we're not going to buy $11 trillion worth of debt," said organizer Astra Taylor. "The amazing thing about this action is that it's both symbolic and real in equal measure. There is the aspect of helping these debtors  ­ we are truly making an impact on the individual level ­ but that's just a drop in the ocean of debt we are existing in. But it's also eye-opening because so many people are unaware that there's a secondary market of debt."

With a line snaking around the block and a bill that included comedians Janeane Garofalo and Daily Show co-creator Lizz Winstead, along with musical performances by members of Sonic Youth and TV on the Radio, the alternative A-listers kept a sold-out audience alert. But the show was also a quintessentially Occupy affair ­ uneven and overlong. There with awkward segments of theater-kid indulgence (a fifteen-piece orchestra playing a protest polka) half-baked, liberal-arts-school rants, and a burlesque performer dressed like an accountant playing with a yo-yo.

Ultimately, though, it came together, due in part to the talent assembled, but mostly on the strength of the underlying cause. While the Zuccotti Park occupation had its unifying moments last year, the movement's diverse messages were so broad that there was little to hold onto once Occupy's physical presence was uprooted.

The narrow mission of Rolling Jubilee and its "strike debt!" mantra, on the other hand, kept participants focused even when the night threatened to stray. An idea of working within a system in order to undermine it offered a subversive spark the movement's been missing. "That's a really Trojan horse move," said Fugazi's Guy Picciotto, who performed as the night's final act with Jeff Mangum of Neutral Milk Hotel. "And that's pretty badass."


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Related
Big Problems, Little Solutions: For the New Occupy, Size Is Everything
[]  
Dear Wall Street: Occupy's Surprisingly Kind Second Act
Get more: occupy wall street, rolling jubilee, strike debt, protest movements, the people's bailout

Saturday, November 17, 2012

ANS -- Watchdog: Karl Rove and Crossroads GPS Broke Election Law

I'm sorry, I apologize:  I jumped the gun on that one.  Yes, they are trying to get Karl Rove on his illegal activity in connection with the election, but it wasn't the illegal activity we reported in our previous email.  Oh well, they got Al Capone on tax evasion.... Karl Rove is probably a pretty slippery character when it comes to prosecuting him....
Here's the article I saw the headline of, and assumed....  It's about trying to get Rove for breaking rules about donations.  Etc. 
Find it here:  http://readersupportednews.org/news-section2/318-66/14588-watchdog-karl-rove-and-crossroads-gps-broke-election-law   
--Kim




Karl Rove. (photo: Getty Images)  
Karl Rove. (photo: Getty Images)

go to original article


Watchdog: Karl Rove and Crossroads GPS Broke Election Law

By Josh Israel, Think Progress

17 November 12

 

[] he non-partisan Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) filed complaints Thursday with both the Federal Election Commission (FEC) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) alleging that Karl Rove and his secretive Crossroads GPS violated election law and may have engaged in a criminal conspiracy to do so.

Under campaign finance law and FEC regulations, 501(c)(4) groups, like Crossroads GPS, can raise unlimited funds from wealthy individuals and corporations without having to disclose their donors. The only time donors to these secretive groups must be disclosed is when donors give more than $200 explicitly "for the purpose of furthering an independent expenditure."

According to CREW, Rove expressly asked for and received millions of dollars in contributions specifically to fund an independent expenditure effort in support of unsuccessful Republican Ohio Senate nominee Josh Mandel:
Federal law requires any outside group that makes an independent expenditure to disclose the donors who contributed to pay for such ads. Groups like Crossroads GPS normally evade this law by claiming none of their contributions were earmarked for a specific purpose. At an August 2012 fundraiser, however, Rove said an anonymous donor gave Crossroads GPS $3 million specifically for the Ohio Senate race, and told Rove it was a "matching challenge" dependent on the group raising another $3 million for the race. Crossroads GPS ended up spending $6.36 million on independent expenditures in the Ohio race, but did not disclose any donors in nine reports the group filed with the FEC.

CREW also notes that, in a 2011 letter to the FEC, Crossroads GPS said that it "understands the applicable reporting regulations" and that, should it receive "any contributions that are required to be reported," it would do so as required. Given this, CREW argues, the violations "were deliberate" and "are subject to criminal as well as civil penalties."

The Rove comment in question was reported in Bloomberg Businessweek in September. That article quoted Rove as saying a donor told him "I'll give ya' $3 million, matching challenge," and that "Bob Castellini, owner of the Cincinnati Reds, is helping raise the other $3 million for that one." Crossroads GPS would end up spending just over $6 million on the Ohio Senate race.

Tara Malloy, senior counsel at the Campaign Legal Center, told ThinkProgress that if the allegations are true, it "seems reasonable to assume the main contributor gave for the purpose of furthering that expenditure or at least that these allegations warrant an FEC investigation." But, she notes, the three Republican appointees on the deadlocked six-member Federal Election Commission often block enforcement efforts of this type and have previously noted a difference between contributions furthering independent expenditures in general ­ and contributions specifically furthering a particular independent expenditure. Even if Rove raised the money to fund independent expenditures in the Ohio Senate race, that interpretation of the rule would require proof that he discussed with them the exact ads before the donation.

Still, she observed, "The allegations are troubling… One would hope the FEC might investigate this matter."

Crossroads GPS may also be in hot water for its apparent failure to register as a charity in Virginia, as required by law.
 

ANS -- Anonymous Claims to Have Hacked into Karl Rove’s ORCA Thus Stopping His Vote-Switching

I hope you have all already heard about this before, but just in case you haven't, here is an article about it, and links to other articles about it at the end.  You will probably want to go to the site to watch the videos, which I can't seem to get to copy here (they'd be big files anyway...) .  This is a short version of this news article, since some of the other articles we've seen have been longer.  We have also heard about this on the radio.  Have you?  Maybe you're not listening to the right radio stations if you haven't. 
Shortly after this, I will send you an article about trying to prosecute Rove for his illegal activities. 
Find this article here: 
  http://motleynews.net/2012/11/16/anonymous-claims-to-have-hacked-into-karl-roves-orca-thus-stopping-his-vote-switching-2/  
--Kim


Anonymous Claims to Have Hacked into Karl Rove's ORCA Thus Stopping His Vote-Switching 13

[] As expected, any Romney supporter (with heavy financing), was shocked at the final outcome from November 6th, the night President Obama retained his seat. We have all heard the whining, crying, finger-pointing, foul, and so on and so on. But there were a couple of items which stood out more than others.

We all know that Karl Rove flipped out on FOX News when they announced Obama won Ohio. The video is below if you haven't seen it. Basically, Rove just could NOT understand what was happening, which is what I expected. Although he did have a very shocked "the sun just rose in the west" look on his face, and that is what surprised me. Even more shocking was hearing many top supporters and chiefs cry that Romney was supposed to win with a landslide. That is NOT what the polls had been showing the entire time.

.

Karl Rove Questions Ohio Call for Obama Victory

{video belongs here}


These cyber "protectors of what's right" – who refers to themselves as "The Protectors" – said that they had been following the digital structure of Rove's operation and of ORCA, a Republican get out the vote software application. After finding open "doors" in the systems, they created a "password protected firewall" called "The Great Oz," and installed it on servers that Rove planned to use on election night to re-route and change election results "from three states."

"ORCA Killer" was launched at 10am EST followed by "The Great Oz" at 8pm EST on November 6th. Both sides watched as ORCA crashed and failed throughout Election Day. Rove even mentions computer problems while on FOX News that night. Rove's computer techs tried 105 times to penetrate "The Great Oz" using different means and passwords.

Is this what happened to Kerry back in 2004 in Ohio when he ran against Bush? A server went down for approximately 90 minutes. When it crashed, Kerry was clearly in the lead. When it finally booted back up, Bush had taken the lead. How? Read on for a theory.

 

The Ohio Computer Crash in 2004

On the night of 2-3 November, 2004, the computer designated to count Ohio votes was cut out of the loop. Its web address was diverted to a private company in Chattanooga, TN, named SMARTech.

The web redirection on Election Night of 2004 went a step beyond this: Not only did the official website of the Ohio Department of State look just right, but it had the right address: http://election.sos.state.oh.us . Any citizen or press service looking for real time election results from the state of Ohio would have been directed here. In every sense, this SMARTech site became the official vote tabulation for the state of Ohio.

SMARTech leases computer servers to the Republican National Committee, and the 12-digit ISP address to which the Ohio Department of State was diverted for the 2004 vote count falls between two ranges known to be leased to the RNC. This raises the suspicion that it was an RNC computer, impersonating the state of Ohio computer, that performed the official vote tabulation in 2004. This diversion is so unusual (and brazen!) a ruse, that it is inconceivable that it happened without Blackwell's explicit consent.

Perhaps Anonymous decided that these spoiled rich boys could no longer have their thieving, cheating way any longer. Here is the letter which was supposedly put out by Anonymous explaining how they hacked the hack. LOVE IT!!!  Oh, click on the image to pull up a PDF file.

[]

Here is a warning from Anonymous released before the election. I wonder if Karl saw this and completely dismissed it, or if it never caught his attention.

 

Anon2Rove

{second video belongs here.}


References:
Occupy for Accountability: Karl Rove Loses Election After Being Checkmated By Cyber Sleuths?
Democratic Underground: Anonymous Claims It Stopped Karl Rove From Hacking The Election By Hacking ORCA
Democratic Underground: Pivotal Ohio 2004 Vote-Kerry Was Ahead-Then Server Went Down for 90 Minutes-Result-Bush Had Lead!
Wonkette: ANONYMOUS CLAIMS IT STOPPED KARL ROVE FROM HACKING THE ELECTION BY HACKING ORCA, WE THINK

(who names their website "wonkette"??? A Willy Wonka wanna-be?)

Wednesday, November 14, 2012

ANS -- Scandal in Ireland as woman dies in Galway 'after being denied abortion'

this is where the immoral stance of right wing Christians leads. 
find it here:  http://apps.facebook.com/theguardian/world/2012/nov/14/ireland-woman-dies-after-abortion-refusal  
--Kim


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Scandal in Ireland as woman dies in Galway 'after being denied abortion'

Members of anti-abortion groups demonstrating in Dublin last ye
 Members of anti-abortion groups demonstrating in Dublin last year as a private member's bill proposing legalising abortion in Ireland was debated. The bill did not succeed. Photograph: Niall Carson/PA
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Wednesday 14 November 2012

Health authorities investigating septicaemia death of 31-year-old dentist Savita Halappanavar

Health authorities in Ireland are investigating the death of a pregnant woman whose husband says she was denied an abortion following severe complications.

Savita Halappanavar, who was 17 weeks pregnant, died of septicaemia a week after presenting with back pain on 21 October at University hospital in Galway, where she was found to be miscarrying.

After the 31-year-old dentist was told that she was miscarrying, her husband reportedly said that she had asked for a medical termination a number of times over a three day period, during which she was in severe pain.

But he said these requests were denied because a foetal heartbeat was still present and they were told at one point: "This is a Catholic country."

Medical staff removed the dead foetus days later after the heartbeat stopped but Halappanavar died of septicaemia on 28 October.

Ireland's health service executive, which runs the country's public health care system, has initiated an investigation into the incident, which is also being investigated by the hospital itself.

Reports of the death sparked an outcry on Wednesday night in Ireland, where abortion is illegal unless the life of the woman is in danger.

The Fine Gael/Labour government has struggled to respond to a 2010 ruling by the European court of human rights, which found it had failed to implement laws to enable women to have an abortion when their life is at risk during pregnancy.

Rachel Donnelly, a spokeswoman for pro-choice campaigners in Galway said: "This was an obstetric emergency which should have been dealt with in a routine manner. Yet Irish doctors are restrained from making obvious medical decisions by a fear of potentially severe consequences.

"As the European court ruled, as long as the 1861 Act remains in place, alongside a complete political unwillingness to touch the issue, pregnant women will continue to be unsafe in this country."

Tuesday, November 13, 2012

ANS -- Wake Up! Our World Is Dying and We're All in Denial

this article is about global warming and how we feel about it.  It also says it isn't 50 or 100 years away, it's a decade away. 
Find it here:  http://www.alternet.org/visions/wake-our-world-dying-and-were-all-denial?paging=off   
--Kim


  Visions  
Psychotherapy Networker / By Mary Pipher
comments_image   833 COMMENTS

Wake Up! Our World Is Dying and We're All in Denial

Had we been in a trance? I wanted to shout, "Wake up! Please wake up! Our old future is gone. Matters are urgent. We have to do something now."
October 21, 2012  |  
 
[]

Photo Credit: Shutterstock.com/IdeaStepConceptStock
 

We live in a culture of denial, especially about the grim reality of climate change. Sure, we want to savor the occasional shrimp cocktail without having to brood about ruined mangroves, but we can't solve a problem we can't face.

I don't like to think about global environmental problems, and neither do you. Yet we can't deal with problems we can't face. Isak Dinesen wrote, "All sorrows can be borne if put into a story." Here's my story. In the cataclysmic summer of 2010, I experienced what environmentalists call the "'Oh shit!' moment." At that time, the earth was experiencing its warmest decade, its warmest year, and the warmest April, May, and June on record. In 2010, Pakistan hit its record high (129 degrees), as did Russia (111 degrees). For the first time in memory, lightning ignited fires in the peat bogs of Russia, and these fires spread to the wheat fields further south. As doctors from Moscow rode to the rescue of heat and smoke victims, they fainted in their non-air-conditioned ambulances. In July, the heat index in my town, Lincoln, Nebraska, reached 115 degrees for several days in a row. Our planet and all living beings seemed to be gasping for breath.

That same month, I read Bill McKibben's Eaarth, in which he argues that our familiar Earth has vanished and that we now live on a new planet, Eaarth, with a rapidly changing ecology. He writes that without immediate action, our accustomed ways of life will disappear, not in our grandchildren's adulthoods, but in the lifetimes of middle-aged people alive today. We don't have 50 years to save our environment; we have the next decade.

Nothing I'd previously read about the environment could quite prepare me for the bleakness of Eaarth. I couldn't stop reading, and, when I finished it, I felt shell-shocked. For a few days, all I could experience was despair. Everything felt so hopeless and so finite.

During this time, my grandchildren came to visit. As we picked raspberries, I thought about all the care we lavished on the children in our family. We made sure they ate healthy foods and brushed their teeth with safe toothpastes. We examined and treated every little bug bite or scratch. And yet, we--and I mean all the grandparents in the world, including myself--hadn't worked to secure them a future with clean air and water and diverse, healthy ecosystems.

Had we been in a trance? That summer, when I listened to friends talking about mundane details of life, I wanted to shout at them, "Wake up! Please wake up! Our old future is gone. Matters are urgent. We have to do something now."

After years of being a therapist and a mother, I've learned that shouting "wake up" doesn't work. One of my most dispiriting realizations was that while I wanted desperately to preserve the world I loved, I didn't even know how to share this fact with my closest friends.

One night, my daughter and her family came for dinner during a record-breaking rainfall. After the baby went to sleep, we watched the wind whip through the pines and listened to the torrents of rain hammer our windows. Sara asked if my husband and I thought the rain was related to global climate change. Jim and I stared at each other, too confused to speak.

My wonderful daughter had the dreams all mothers have for their children. She was already doing her best. I couldn't bear to inflict any pain on her. However, Sara was persistent in her curiosity. In the most positive, calm way that I could, I told her what I'd recently learned.

Sara was devastated. She and John quickly bundled up the baby and said good night. I could see her weeping as she tucked Coltrane into his car seat. I felt anguished, and I wasn't sure I'd done the right thing. Yet Sara was 33 years old. Could I really shield her from what scientific experts were telling us? Would I want to be "protected" from the truth? Wasn't it better if we faced these things together?

That next week, I couldn't enjoy anything. My conversations with my husband quickly fell into what we call "the dumper." I was afraid to be around friends for fear I'd infect them with my gloominess.

I knew I had to find a way out of my state of mind. I couldn't survive with all that awareness every minute of my day. I wanted to be happy again, to be able to laugh, and to snuggle with my grandchildren without worrying about their futures. But I couldn't forget what I now understood.

What pulled me out of my despair was the desire to get to work. I didn't know what I was going to do. I felt unqualified for virtually everything involving the environment, but I knew I had to do something to help. It was unclear how much my action would benefit the world, but I knew it would help me. I've never been able to tolerate stewing in my own anxiety. Action has always been my healing tonic.

I invited a group of people to my house to discuss what we could do to stop TransCanada from shipping tar-sand sludge through our state via the Keystone XL pipeline. We called ourselves The Coalition. For more than a year now, we've met for potluck dinners and planning sessions. We've made sure the meetings have been parties. We've had wine, good food, and lots of laughter and hugs. We've tried to end our meetings on a positive note, so everyone would want to return. None of us has time for extra tedium or suffering, but we like working together for a common cause.

If you want to discover how the world works, try to change it--especially if the changes involve confronting the fossil-fuel industry. Our campaign has been a complicated story about money, power, international corporations, and politics. But it's also a simple story, about my friends and me, working to save our state from what we nicknamed the Xtra Leaky Pipeline.

Through the year, we held rallies, educational forums, and music benefits, and set up booths at farmers' markets and county fairs. In other words, we "massified"--a term we used to signify momentum and getting increasing numbers of people on board.

By the summer of 2011, our entire state had united around the idea of stopping the XL Pipeline's route through our Sandhills and over the Ogallala Aquifer. Our campaign was the best thing to happen to our state since Big Red football. Progressives and Western ranchers worked together, and Sierra Club attorneys were given standing ovations in VFW halls in little towns with no registered Democrats. We staged tractor brigades and poetry readings against the pipeline. What all of us had in common was a desire to protect the place we loved.

As Randy Thompson, a conservative farmer who fought the pipeline, said, "This isn't a political issue. There's no red water or blue water; there's clean water or dirty water."

I wanted to keep Nebraska healthy for my grandchildren. When my grandson Aidan was 6, he had a growth spurt in his point of view. Our family had gone to a lake to watch the Perseid meteor showers. Afterward, driving back home, we crested a hill and Aidan saw the lights of his small town on the horizon. He said, "Look at my beautiful city." I responded, "It's a pretty town at night with all the twinkling lights." Aidan was quiet for a moment and then said, "Nonna, my town is big to me, but small to the rest of the world." I sighed. That's a lesson we all have to learn sooner or later.

In a speech at a rally, I recalled that night. I told the crowd, "Aidan may be small to TransCanada. He may be small to our governor and legislators, but he's big to me, and I'm going to take care of him."

In January 2012, President Obama denied a permit to TransCanada because of concerns about Nebraska. But the outcome is uncertain, and we may yet lose our fight. We're still working. John Hansen, head of the Nebraska Farmer's Union, said, "Working for a cause isn't like planting corn. You don't throw in some seeds and walk away. It's like milking cows, something you do over and over, and can never ignore."

Our coalition isn't about odds. When we started, we didn't think we had a chance. We did it because it was the right thing to do, and we couldn't let our state be destroyed without a protest. Our reward for this work has been a sense of empowerment and membership in what Martin Luther King, Jr., called a beloved community.

From this work, I've learned that saving the world and savoring it aren't polarities, but turn out to be deeply related. As Thich Nhat Hanh writes, "The best way to save the environment is to save the environmentalist."

George Orwell argued that pessimism is reactionary because it makes the very idea of improving the world impossible. I found that whether or not we believe we can change the world, even in a small way, acting as if we can is the healthiest emotional stance to take in the face of injustice and destruction.

------

"He who fights the future has a dangerous enemy," said Søren Kierkegaard. Life is stressful. We think something is wrong with us, but the problems are endemic and systemic. As a people, we've lost our grounding in deep time and in our place. At root, our problems are relationship problems. We have a disordered relationship with the web of life.

Right now, the more we connect the dots between events, the more frightened we become. This reminds me of a night I slept in a tent with three of my grandchildren. Kate was 6, Aidan was 4, and Claire was 2. Claire and Aidan were blissfully happy. They snuggled and listened to the sounds of the cicadas and night birds. Meanwhile, Kate kept telling me she was scared and that she wanted to sleep in the house. Stupidly, I chided her for her fears. I asked, "Kate, you are the big sister and the oldest. Why can't you be as brave as your sister and brother?" She wailed, "Nonna, they're little. They don't know enough to be scared!"

These days, I often feel like Kate did that night. I know too much about deforestation, nuclear power plants, our tainted food supply, and our collapsing fisheries. Sometimes I wish I didn't know all these things. But if we adults don't face and come to grips with our current reality, who will?

Neither individuals nor cultures can keep up with the pace of change. Recently I was telling my grandchildren about all the things that didn't exist when I was a girl. I mentioned televisions (in my rural area), cell phones, the Internet, cruise control, texting, computerized toys, laptops, video recorders, headphones for music, and microwaves. The list was so long that my grandson Aidan asked me, "Nonna, did they have apples when you were a girl?"

We're bombarded by too much information, too many choices, and too much complexity. Our problem-solving abilities and our communication and coping skills haven't evolved quickly enough to sustain us. We find ourselves rushed, stressed, fatigued, and upset.

On all levels--international, national, and personal--many situations now seem too complicated to be workable. A friend of mine put it this way: "There are no simple problems anymore."

In addition to the problems that we can describe and label, we have new problems that we can barely name. Writers are coining words to try to describe a new set of emotions. For example, Glenn Albrecht coined the term solastalgia to describe "homesickness or melancholia when your environment is changing all around you in ways that you feel are profoundly negative."

We experience our own pain, but also the pain of the earth and of people and animals suffering all over the world. Environmentalist Joanna Macy calls this pain "planetary anguish." We want to help, but we all feel that we have enough on our plates without taking on the melting polar ice caps or the dying oceans.

One night before dinner, Jim asked me to sit and have glass of wine with him. That day, he'd overseen the installation of a heating and air-conditioning system after a tree had crushed our old one. That same week, our refrigerator had needed replacing. And suddenly our dishwasher wasn't working properly either. I'd been writing about global climate change and working with the Coalition to Stop the XL Pipeline. I said, "I'll sit down with you as long as we don't have to discuss the fate of the earth." Jim agreed readily and added, "I don't even want to discuss the fate of our appliances."

The climate crisis is so enormous in its implications that it's difficult for us to grasp its reality. Its scope exceeds our human and cultural resilience systems. Thinking about global climate collapse is like trying to count two billion pinto beans. Oftentimes, because we don't know how to respond, we don't respond. We develop "learned helplessness" and our sense that we're powerless becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy.

In States of Denial, Stanley Cohen writes about Germany and the denial of the Holocaust. He talked about a state of knowing and not knowing that arises in ongoing traumatic situations. This "willful ignorance" occurs when information can't be totally denied, but can't be processed either. That's the state I think we're in now when we try to deal with global climate change.

We live in a culture of denial. A Pew Research Center poll in September 2011 revealed that, in spite of increasing evidence, belief in climate change was at its lowest level since 1997. In fact, belief had decreased from 71 percent to 57 percent in the previous 18 months. Even the manner in which we discuss climate change is odd. We don't talk about "believing in" the laws of aerodynamics, the DNA code, or faraway galaxies. By now the evidence for global climate change is solid and the scientific community is united. So why do we speak of believing in it as if we were speaking of belief in extraterrestrials?

Partly these poll numbers reflect a well-funded and orchestrated misinformation campaign by the fossil-fuel industry. Robert Proctor at Stanford University coined another new word, agnotology, for the study of ignorance or doubt that's deliberately manufactured or politically generated.

The poll results also can be explained by what Renee Lertzman called "The Myth of Apathy." She interviewed people about global climate change and found that they actually care intensely about the environment, but that their emotions are so tangled up and they're so beset by internal conflicts that they can't act adaptively. They aren't apathetic, but rather shut down psychologically.

All cultures have rules about what can and can't be acknowledged. This reminds me of an old joke about the Soviet Union. Two KGB men were walking together down the street. One of them said to the other, "What do you think of this system?" "I don't know," said the other one. "I probably think about the same as you do." "In that case," said the first, "I'm going to have to arrest you."

Social and environmental studies professor Kari Norgaard writes, "The denial of global warming is socially constructed. In America it is almost as if relevant information about our climate crisis is classified. Our national policy towards the devastation we face is, 'Don't ask. Don't tell.'"

We all have a healthy and understandable desire to avoid feeling pain. We want to savor the occasional shrimp cocktail without thinking about the ruined mangroves or read a book about lions to children without wondering how many are left in the wild. Yet we cannot solve a problem we will not face.

Once we face the hard truths about our environmental collapse, we can begin a process of transformation that I call the "alchemy of healing." Despair is often a crucible for growth. As we expand ourselves to deal with our new normal, we can feel more vibrant and engaged with the world as it is.

We can be intentional when we're shopping, planning a trip, or working in our communities. We can be citizens of the world, rather than consumers, and we can vote every time we hand over our debit card.

We're all community educators whether we know it or not. Everything we say and do is potentially a teachable moment for someone. So appoint yourself a change agent, engage in participatory democracy, and help yourself, your country, and your world. Belief often follows action. The harder we work, the likelier we are to experience hope and to improve our situation.

Amazement is another antidote to despair. Author Hannah Tennant-Moore wrote, "It took me a long time to learn that being miserable does not alleviate the world's misery."

After a rough week, I felt compelled to drive to Spring Creek Prairie, about 30 minutes from my home. I joined a group of birders doing a winter bird count. It was a grand experience, with long lines of snow geese overhead, woodpeckers in the burr oaks, and a mink ice-skating in the little pond. However, at some point, I wanted to be away from people, even the birders I normally enjoy.

I walked alone to a sunny patch of prairie, lay on the ground, and looked at the sky through the waving big bluestem. I imbibed the prairie. I felt the warm earth beneath me. I smelled the moisture, the dirt, and the cereal-like aroma of the tall grasses. I looked up through the golden seed heads at the blue sky and the geese. I heard their calls and the wind rustling in the grasses. As I lay there, I thought, "I'm getting what I most needed today."

I'm lucky to have a prairie nearby, but we all have green space available to us. We all can look at the sky. As my friend Sherri said, "I've never seen an ugly sky."

Another day, Margie brought her dog over for a walk around the lake. When we returned to my house, Leo began rolling around in the grass. First, he rolled on his back; then he lolled about on his stomach, trying to have every possible inch of skin touching the grass. Margie said, "If you want to know the time, ask a dog. They always know, and they'll tell you the correct time, which is now, now, now."

Transcendence can come from work, bliss, or an expanding moral imagination. I define the moral imagination as the ability to understand how the world looks and feels to another person. It involves motivation, heart, and imagination. My respect for the moral imagination leads to a simple value system--good is that which increases it and evil is that which decreases it.

I believe that the purpose of life is to expand our own moral imagination and to help others expand theirs, so that our circle of caring, which begins with our families, eventually includes all living beings.

One day, I played my grandchildren a song called "Hey Little Ant" by Phillip and Hannah Hoose. This song is a conversation between an ant and a boy on a playground with his friends watching. He wants to squish the ant just for fun. But the ant sings that he has a home and a family, too. He sings to show the boy that his life is as precious to his ant family as the boy's life is to his human family. The song ends with a question for the listener to ponder: "Should the ant get squished? Should the ant go free? / It's up to the kid, not up to me. / We'll leave that kid with the raised-up shoe. / Now what do you think that boy should do?"

When 9-year-old Kate heard it, she said, "Nonna, I'll never squish an ant again." Aidan, who was 7, also promised to let all ants run free. But 5-year-old Claire said, "Nonna, I still like to squish ants, but I won't kill any talking ants." Sigh. She'll have a growth spurt soon enough.

Poet Pablo Neruda wrote, "We are each one leaf on the great human tree." I hope we can extend that to include all living beings.

Dealing with our global crisis is essentially an ethics problem. If we don't expand our moral imaginations, we'll destroy ourselves. Healing will involve reweaving the most primal of connections to this sacred web.

Interconnection can be seen as a spiritual belief, especially in Buddhism. As Thich Nhat Hanh says, "we inter-are." But it's also a scientific fact. Economist Jeremy Rifkin writes, "We are learning that the earth functions like an invisible organism. We are the various cells of one living being. Those who work to save the earth are its antibodies." At its core, interconnection is a survival strategy. Gregory Bateson said it best, "The unit of survival is the organism and his environment."

The next great rights battle will be a fight to rescue our beleaguered planet. It'll be about air, plants, animals, water, energy, and dirt. We have a right to a sustainable planet and a future for our grandchildren. And the meadowlark, the fox, the bull snake, the mosquito, and the cottonwood also have this right.

We're in a race between human consciousness and the physics and chemistry of the earth. We can equivocate, but the earth will brook no compromises.

In our great hominid journey, no one really knows what time it is. We could be at its end, or we could be at the beginning of a great and glorious turning toward reconnection and wholeness.

We who are alive today share what Martin Luther King, Jr., called "the inescapable network of mutuality." We aren't without resources. We have our intelligence, humor, and compassion, our families and friends, and our ancestry of resilient hominid survivors. We can be restored.

Since the beginning of human time, how many people have loved and cared for each other in order for us to be alive today? How many fathers have hunted and fished, fought off predators, and planted grain so that we could breathe at this moment? How many mothers have nursed babies and carried water so that we could savor our small slice of time?

We can never know the significance of our individual actions, but we can act as if our actions are significant. That will create only good on earth. Besides, what's our alternative?

As U.S. Poet Laureate W. S. Merwin said, "On my last day on Earth, I'd like to plant a tree."

So let's save and savor the world together.

I wish you well on your journey.

Mary Pipher, Ph.D., is the author of the bestseller Reviving Ophelia: Saving the Selves of Adolescent Girls. Her other books include The Middle of Everywhere and Seeking Peace: Chronicles of the Worst Buddhist in the World. Her latest is The Green Boat: Writing to Change the World.

Monday, November 12, 2012

ANS -- Shameless Disaster Capitalism

Here is an article by Naomi Klein about what economic vultures are trying to do, and that we have to stop them and do something for ourselves.  But we need more specific solutions, things we can do, now, today. 
Find it here:  http://readersupportednews.org/opinion2/271-38/14495-focus-shameless-disaster-capitalism   
--Kim




Author and activist Naomi Klein. (photo: CharlieRose.com)  
Author and activist Naomi Klein. (photo: CharlieRose.com)

go to original article


Shameless Disaster Capitalism

By Naomi Klein, The Nation

12 November 12

 
Yes that's right: this catastrophe very likely created by climate change-a crisis born of the colossal regulatory failure to prevent corporations from treating the atmosphere as their open sewer-is just one more opportunity for more deregulation.


[] he following article first appeared in the Nation. For more great content from the Nation, sign up for their email newsletters here.

Less than three days after Sandy made landfall on the East Coast of the United States, Iain Murray of the Competitive Enterprise Institute blamed New Yorkers' resistance to big-box stores for the misery they were about to endure. Writing on Forbes.com, he explained that the city's refusal to embrace Walmart will likely make the recovery much harder: "Mom-and-pop stores simply can't do what big stores can in these circumstances," he wrote.

And the preemptive scapegoating didn't stop there. He also warned that if the pace of reconstruction turned out to be sluggish (as it so often is) then "pro-union rules such as the Davis-Bacon Act" would be to blame, a reference to the statute that requires workers on public-works projects to be paid not the minimum wage, but the prevailing wage in the region.

The same day, Frank Rapoport, a lawyer representing several billion-dollar construction and real estate contractors, jumped in to suggest that many of those public works projects shouldn't be public at all. Instead, cash-strapped governments should turn to "public private partnerships," known as "P3s." That means roads, bridges and tunnels being rebuilt by private companies, which, for instance, could install tolls and keep the profits.

Up until now, the only thing stopping them has been the law-specifically the absence of laws in New York State and New Jersey that enable these sorts of deals. But Rapoport is convinced that the combination of broke governments and needy people will provide just the catalyst needed to break the deadlock. "There were some bridges that were washed out in New Jersey that need structural replacement, and it's going to be very expensive," he told The Nation. "And so the government may well not have the money to build it the right way. And that's when you turn to a P3."

Ray Lehmann, co-founder of the R Street Institute, a mouthpiece for the insurance lobby (formerly a division of the climate-denying Heartland Institute), had another public prize in his sights. In a Wall Street Journal article about Sandy, he was quoted arguing for the eventual "full privatization" of the National Flood Insurance Program, the federal initiative that provides affordable protection from some natural disasters-and which private insurers see as unfair competition.

But the prize for shameless disaster capitalism surely goes to right-wing economist Russell S. Sobel, writing in a New York Times online forum. Sobel suggested that, in hard-hit areas, FEMA should create "free trade zones-in which all normal regulations, licensing and taxes [are] suspended." This corporate free-for-all would, apparently, "better provide the goods and services victims need."

Yes that's right: this catastrophe very likely created by climate change-a crisis born of the colossal regulatory failure to prevent corporations from treating the atmosphere as their open sewer-is just one more opportunity for more deregulation. And the fact that this storm has demonstrated that poor and working-class people are far more vulnerable to the climate crisis shows that this is clearly the right moment to strip those people of what few labor protections they have left, as well as to privatize the meager public services available to them. Most of all, when faced with an extraordinarily costly crisis born of corporate greed, hand out tax holidays to corporations.

Is there anyone who can still feign surprise at this stuff? The flurry of attempts to use Sandy's destructive power as a cash grab is just the latest chapter in the very long story I have called The Shock Doctrine. And it is but the tiniest glimpse into the ways large corporations are seeking to reap enormous profits from climate chaos.

One example: between 2008 and 2010, at least 261 patents were filed or issued related to "climate-ready" crops-seeds supposedly able to withstand extreme conditions like droughts and floods; of these patents close to 80 percent were controlled by just six agribusiness giants, including Monsanto and Syngenta. With history as our teacher, we know that small farmers will go into debt trying to buy these new miracle seeds, and that many will lose their land.

When these displaced farmers move to cities seeking work, they will find other peasants, indigenous people and artisanal fishing people who lost their lands for similar reasons. Some will have been displaced by foreign agribusiness companies looking to grow export crops for wealthy nations worried about their own food security in a climate stressed future. Some will have moved because a new breed of carbon entrepreneur was determined to plant a tree farm on what used to be a community-managed forest, in order to collect lucrative credits.

In November 2010, The Economist ran a climate change cover story that serves as a useful (if harrowing) blueprint for how climate change could serve as the pretext for the last great land grab, a final colonial clearing of the forests, farms and coastlines by a handful of multinationals. The editors explain that droughts and heat stress are such a threat to farmers that only big players can survive the turmoil, and that "abandoning the farm may be the way many farmers choose to adapt." They had the same message for fisher folk inconveniently occupying valuable ocean-front lands: wouldn't it be so much safer, given rising seas and all, if they joined their fellow farmers in the urban slums? "Protecting a single port city from floods is easier than protecting a similar population spread out along a coastline of fishing villages."

But, you might wonder, isn't there a joblessness crisis in most of these cities? Nothing a little "reform of labor markets" and free trade can't fix. Besides, cities, they explain, have "social strategies, formal or informal." I'm pretty sure that means that people whose "social strategies" used to involve growing and catching their own food can now cling to life by selling broken pens at intersections, or perhaps by dealing drugs. What the informal social strategy should be when super storm winds howl through those precarious slums remains unspoken.

For a long time, climate change was treated by environmentalists as a great equalizer, the one issue that affected everyone, rich or poor. They failed to account for the myriad ways by which the superrich would protect themselves from the less savory effects of the economic model that made them so wealthy. In the past six years, we have seen the emergence of private firefighters in the United States, hired by insurance companies to offer a "concierge" service to their wealthier clients, as well as the short-lived "HelpJet"-a charter airline in Florida that offered five-star evacuation services from hurricane zones. "No standing in lines, no hassle with crowds, just a first class experience that turns a problem into a vacation." And, post-Sandy, upscale real estate agents are predicting that back-up power generators will be the new status symbol with the penthouse and mansion set.

It seems that for some, climate change is imagined less as a clear and present danger than as a kind of spa vacation; nothing that the right combination of bespoke services and well-curated accessories can't overcome. That, at least, was the impression left by the Barneys New York pre-Sandy sale-which offered deals on Sencha green tea, backgammon sets and $500 throw blankets so its high-end customers could "settle in with style". Let the rest of the world eat "social strategies, formal or informal."

So we know how the shock doctors are readying to exploit the climate crisis, and we know from the past how that would turn out. But here is the real question: Could this crisis present a different kind of opportunity, one that disperses power into the hands of the many rather than consolidating it the hands of the few; one that radically expands the commons, rather than auctions it off in pieces? In short, could Sandy be the beginning of a People's Shock?

I think it can. As I outlined last year in these pages, there are changes we can make that actually have a chance of getting our emissions down to the level science demands. These include relocalizing our economies (so we are going to need those farmers where they are); vastly expanding and reimagining the public sphere to not just hold back the next storm but to prevent even worse disruptions in the future; regulating the hell out of corporations and reducing their poisonous political power; and reinventing economics so it no longer defines success as the endless expansion of consumption.

These are approaches to the crisis would help rebuild the real economy at a time when most of us have had it with speculative bubbles. They would create lasting jobs at a time when they are urgently needed. And they would strengthen our ties to one another and to our communities- goals that, while abstract, can nonetheless save lives in a crisis.

Just as the Great Depression and the Second World War launched populist movements that claimed as their proud legacies social safety nets across the industrialized world, so climate change can be a historic moment to usher in the next great wave of progressive change. Moreover, none of the anti-democratic trickery I described in The Shock Doctrine is necessary to advance this agenda. Far from seizing on the climate crisis to push through unpopular policies, our task is to seize upon it to demand a truly populist agenda.

The reconstruction from Sandy is a great place to start road testing these ideas. Unlike the disaster capitalists who use crisis to end-run democracy, a People's Recovery (as many from the Occupy movement are already demanding) would call for new democratic processes, including neighborhood assemblies, to decide how hard-hit communities should be rebuilt. The overriding principle must be addressing the twin crises of inequality and climate change at the same time. For starters, that means reconstruction that doesn't just create jobs but jobs that pay a living wage. It means not just more public transit, but energy efficient affordable housing along those transit lines. It also means not just more renewable power but democratic community control over those projects.

But at the same time as we ramp up alternatives, we need to step up the fight against the forces actively making the climate crisis worse. Regardless of who wins the election, that means standing firm against the continued expansion of the fossil fuel sector into new and high-risk territories, whether through tar sands, fracking, coal exports to China or Arctic drilling. It also means recognizing the limits of political pressure and going after the fossil fuel companies directly, as we are doing at 350.org with our "Do The Math" tour. These companies have shown that they are willing to burn five times as much carbon as the most conservative estimates say is compatible with a livable planet. We've done the math, and we simply can't let them.

We find ourselves in a race against time: either this crisis will become an opportunity for an evolutionary leap, a holistic readjustment of our relationship with the natural world. Or it will become an opportunity for the biggest disaster capitalism free-for-all in human history, leaving the world even more brutally cleaved between winners and losers.

When I wrote The Shock Doctrine, I was documenting crimes of the past. The good news is that this is a crime in progress; it is still within our power to stop it. Let's make sure that this time, the good guys win.

ANS -- American Heart: Owner of Multi-Million Dollar Company Hands Over Business to Employees

Here is a beautiful story of an ethical businessman who is also successful.  He is sharing his success with his employees -- some of whom have been with him for 30 years. 
Find it here:  http://abcnews.go.com/WN/owner-multi-million-dollar-company-hands-business-employees/story?id=9875038#.UKE_NmclqSq  
--Kim


Home> World News

American Heart: Owner of Multi-Million Dollar Company Hands Over Business to Employees

By CHRISTINE BROZYNA
Feb.18, 2010

Before the words "whole grain" and "organic" became part of Americans' everyday vocabulary, Bob Moore knew the importance of healthful eating.

In 1978, he started Bob's Red Mill Natural Foods, as a small family-run business in Oregon selling stone mill-ground whole grains.

The company has since grown into a multi-million dollar business that sells more than 400 whole grain products including flours, hot cereals, and organic and gluten-free products.

Moore is dedicated to making America healthier and he believes Bob's Red Mill is a small part of the solution.

"Our company needs to exist so that some of the people that eat our product will be healthier -- and I think they will be," he said.


Employee-Run Business

Moore's work is a way of life and his employees are a second family, which is why he announced this week that he's handing over the keys to his 209 employees.

Moore said he's gotten countless buy-out offers over the years, but he couldn't envision selling the business to a stranger.

"It's the only business decision that I could make," he said. "I don't think there's anybody worthy to run this company but the people who built it. I have employees with me right now that have been with me for 30 years. They just were committed to staying with me now and they're going to own the company."

The company will now be run by an Employee Stock Ownership Plan (ESOP) -- the idea being that a company's stock is put in a retirement plan for its employees, but the stock is never held or bought directly by individuals. When a vested employee retires, he can pull out money from the trust.
Bob Moore, owner of 'Bob's Red Mill Natural Foods,' announced t  
ABC News
Bob Moore, owner of 'Bob's Red Mill Natural Foods,' announced this week that he's transferring his business to his employees.

Approximately 11,000 companies now have ESOP plans, covering more than 13 million employees, according to the National Center for Employee Ownership.


Thinking of What's Best for the Group

If making Americans healthier is his passion, encouraging good business practices and entrepreneurship is his mandate.

"There's a lot of negative stuff going into business today," he said. "It's a good old basic Bible lesson -- love of money is the root of all evil. And unfortunately, our entire philosophy today is get all the money you can and whatever way you can. It's caused many corporations to bite off more than they can chew. And it causes people to do a lot of things just for money that they feel in their hearts is not the right thing to do."

With his own company, Moore has tried to do just the opposite. In a refreshing twist to the typical tenets of corporate America, Moore thinks of his employees and customers first and foremost.


Building a Business

Politics aside, Moore said there is no secret to building a successful business, just hard work and luck.

"You can sell your house, take your money, and test the waters by doing something you believe in," he said. "And maybe you'll be successful and maybe you won't, and that's what entrepreneuring has been for me, and I have failed."

Earlier in his life, Moore owned a gas station that he thought was a great success. It flourished for five years, but ultimately went under. And in 1988, his mill was burned down by an arsonist.

"I lost everything," he said. "I lost our entire investment. I know what it feels like in my stomach when you can't pay the bills."

But he learned from his mistakes and kept taking chances, eventually making his mark in American households.


No Slowing Down

Retirement is not in Moore's sights anytime soon. He celebrated his 81st birthday this week and plans to continue to serve on the company's board of directors.

"I'm never going to retire," he said. "I love coming to work. I love the challenges, and working with people and the way that you get to do that when you're in business."

ANS -- To Slow Warming, Tax Carbon

This article was sent in by one of our readers.  It's a different perspective on CO2 emissions and global health.  He suggests taxing carbon use, not just production, because of the problem of just shifting production to other countries and saying you reduced production.  And that it should be global, because, after all, the warming is global, the problem is global. 
Find it here:    http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/12/opinion/on-climate-change-the-us-is-doing-better-than-europe.html?ref=opinion&_r=0   
--Kim


New York Times  

[]

 



Op-Ed Contributor


To Slow Warming, Tax Carbon


By DIETER HELM


Published: November 11, 2012

Oxford, England
Opinion Twitter Logo.





ENVIRONMENT played only a modest role in the recent American presidential election. President Obama lauded his new fuel-efficiency standards and support for renewable energy sources, while Mitt Romney faulted the president for rising gasoline prices and new restrictions on coal mining.

But while environmentalists have lamented America's slow response to climate change, the United States is actually on a much better path than Europe. It is making the transition from coal to gas, it is investing in new energy technologies, and its carbon emissions are falling faster than Europe's.

This is not to paint too rosy a portrait. Since world leaders met in Kyoto, Japan, in 1997 and agreed to reduce the carbon dioxide emissions of industrialized countries by about 5 percent below 1990 levels by 2012, virtually nothing has been done to slow the buildup of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. In 1990, carbon emissions were rising at less than 2 parts per million per year. Now they are rising at nearly 3 p.p.m. per year.

How could so little have been achieved, despite all the already considerable economic costs of climate change? Europe, in particular, has put great effort into being a "world leader" on climate change and has spent lots of money on wind farms and rooftop solar panels. Sadly, this has had almost no global effect.

The main reason emissions have been going up is the rise of coal ­ in China, in particular. Coal is now the source of 30 percent of the world's energy, up from about 25 percent in the mid-1990s. Europe's initiatives have had no effect on China's policies or the global coal burn. Indeed, the initiatives have probably made the situation worse. As the price of energy has increased using current renewables, energy-intensive industries are being driven offshore, only for their products to be imported back into the European Union.

By the standards of the Kyoto accord, Europe looks good. But those standards measure each country's production ­ not consumption ­ of carbon. This has created counterproductive incentives. If steel plants are closed in Britain and replaced by steel imports from China, Britain counts that as a success. Between 1990 and 2005, Britain's carbon production fell by about 15 percent ­ but its carbon consumption rose by 19 percent, when imports were counted. The rest of Europe has been deindustrializing too, and this has also encouraged energy-intensive production to move overseas.

Contrast this with the United States, which declined to ratify the Kyoto agreement because China and other developing countries were not required to do much. America has only the crudest energy policy. And yet its carbon emissions have been falling sharply. Why? Because the United States is switching from coal to gas. At the same time, Europe is moving from gas, which is expensive there, to much more polluting coal ­ especially in Germany, which is phasing out its nuclear plants following the Fukushima disaster in Japan.

Europe's "answer" to global warming is wind farms and other current renewables. But the numbers won't ever add up. It just isn't possible to reduce carbon emissions much with small-scale disaggregated wind turbines. There isn't enough land for biofuels, even if corn-based ethanol were a good idea (a questionable proposition). Current renewable-energy sources cannot bridge the gap if we are to move away from carbon-intensive energy production. So we will need new technologies while in the meantime slowing the coal juggernaut.

There are three sensible ways to do this: tax carbon consumption (including imports); accelerate the switch from coal to gas; and support and finance new technologies rather than pouring so much money into wind and biofuels.

Putting a price on carbon is fundamental. If consumers and businesses do not bear the cost of their carbon pollution, they won't do much about it. This carbon price should not discriminate between locations: global warming is global. If China does not put a price on carbon, and Europe does, then China will effectively receive a huge export subsidy.

The good news is that many new energy technologies are coming down the track: next-generation solar, geothermal and even nuclear technologies, and methods to harness the energy of gravity via the ocean's tides. There have been major breakthroughs in solar. Work is also under way to develop better energy-storing batteries, smart grids and electric cars. All of those advancements will need public support.

What is missing across Europe, the United States and China is a global agreement on a proper carbon price. More than any other measure, a tax on carbon consumption is what's needed to slow the warming of the planet.

Dieter Helm, professor of energy policy at Oxford, is the author of "The Carbon Crunch: How We're Getting Climate Change Wrong ­ and How to Fix It."

Sunday, November 11, 2012

ANS -- After Sandy, a great and complex city reveals traumas new and old

Here's an article about helping in the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy.  Apparently, our official agencies, like FEMA, are inadequate to cover everyone and everywhere that needs it, so volunteers are filling in the gaps.  The author laments the reduction in the number of religious institutions, since they were of great help.  She praises Occupy Sandy, though there is no other mention of it.  she stresses the need for organization.  good article.
Find it here:  
http://www.capitalnewyork.com/article/culture/2012/11/6539226/after-sandy-great-and-complex-city-reveals-traumas-new-and-old?page=all   
--Kim


Capital New York

[]  


After Sandy, a great and complex city reveals traumas new and old

after-sandy-great-and-complex-city-reveals-traumas-new-and-old

Ditmas Park bar owner Ben Heemskerk instructs volunteers. Glynnis MacNicol
[]   []
By Glynnis MacNicol

11:42 am Nov. 10, 2012

ON THE EVENING OF SEPT. 3, 2008, I SAT IN THE EXCEL ENERGY CENTER in St. Paul, Minn. and listened as former New York City mayor Rudolph Giuliani mocked the Democrats' presidential nominee Barack Obama for his work as a community organizer:
On the other hand, you have a resume from a gifted man with an Ivy League education. He worked as a community organizer. What? He worked­I said­I said, OK, OK, maybe this is the first problem on the resume.

That line, which I didn't give much thought to at the time, and which in light of Barack Obama's election this week to a second term feels like ancient political history, has been back on my mind this week after spending many days delivering goods to various parts of Coney Island, the Rockaways, and Sea Gate hit hard by superstorm Sandy, mostly with volunteers who simply showed up.

The storm is over, but it's not. The narrative taking shape in the rest of the city, of a gradual return to normalcy, is not universal. For many neighborhoods Sandy's effects are like outward rippling waves of despair. The storm brought its destruction and claimed its lives and moved along. Now it's the aftermath­businesses without power, days without work, cars without fuel, homes without heat or light, shops without food, sick without medical care, communities without sturdy or meaningful support systems for their most vulnerable members­that is taking its toll, and making new, often shocking, demands on the city and its citizens.

Like Ben Heemskerk, owner of the Ditmas Park bar The Castello Plan.

"It just doesn't stop," he was telling me. "I tried to make it stop, but it doesn't."

It was Thursday, nine days after superstorm Sandy had put New York City behind her. Ben was holding up his iPhone to show me the most recent email from a group in the Rockaways: They needed someone to bring diapers and other supplies. Earlier that day, Ben had received a message from a representative of the Federal Emergency Management Agency asking if he could help organize a response to needs in a number of the most devastated neighborhoods on the Rockaway peninsula and Coney Island.

Ben, 31, is a friend of mine and engaged to one of my best friends, and before opening The Castello Plan in 2010 spent six years in nonprofits where he worked with homeless youth throughout the city and on international disaster-relief projects, among other things. Right now, though, he's simply a bar owner in Ditmas Park. He has no affiliation with or role in relief organizations that exist year round precisely to respond to devastating events like Hurricane Sandy. He doesn't have more ties to local government than any local business owner and responsible neighborhood citizen would. Sandy turned him, as it has many others, into a community organizer, an N.G.O. chief, a disaster-response professional, and something much bigger and harder to define.

That morning Ben and a group of volunteers from around the neighborhood had driven out to Gerritsen Beach in response to an email he got with the subject line "Gerritsen Beach childred [sic] freezing in the dark."

Gerritsen Beach sits on a peninsula it shares with part of Marine Park, 530 acres of grassland, salt marsh, and amenities run by the city Parks Department, and isolated from neighboring Sheepshead Bay by the Plum Beach Channel, an inlet of Jamaica Bay. The neighborhood, along with many of the places along the southern shores of Brooklyn and Queens most devastated by Sandy, remains without power and heat. The email concluded: "There is no one down here coordinating a recovery effort. Can anyone put me in contact with concrete help­ a politician that will deliver, a benefactor that will take charge?"

Ben was marveling at the fact that Gerristen Beach is just five miles due south of The Castello Plan, where we were sitting when a local retired veterinarian arrived to volunteer his services. He had heard through some neighbors that veterinarians were needed. Ben promised to put him in touch with the point person in Coney Island.

Just six days earlier, Ben had sent an email to bar patrons signed up to his mailing list asking them to help the relief effort:
We need volunteers with cars and trucks to help deliver to donation depots in Staten Island tomorrow, Sunday, November 4th at 10am

I think this can be easy, no receipts, no tax deductions, no cameras, no politicians, no news.

We can get this done in a day.

[]

Within 24 hours he had amassed four mini-school buses (donated), six cars, and two (off-duty) police escorts that spent Sunday delivering supplies to the locations in the Rockaways, Coney Island, and Staten Island that Ben had selected based on conversations with local officials in the neighborhoods. It was intended to be a one-time delivery, just as much as was needed before things got back to normal. But it soon became clear that the need would exist far longer and be far greater than he'd anticipated, that normal was still far off. More importantly, it became clear to him that there was no one around to hand the responsibility off to after a day of his bar patrons' and friends' contributions had been delivered and consumed. There still isn't.

I think it's important to be clear: I have very little comprehensive knowledge of what services this city is supposed to provide in a disaster; just a regular citizen's default belief that it can't be possible that tax-paying city dwellers should be allowed to remain without power and heat for extended periods of time without some government aid; that citizens of New York City who, in these reduced circumstances, find themselves in the cross-hairs of a nor'easter promising massive snowfall, high winds and bone-snapping cold temperatures should, without applying a tremendous amount of their own resourcefulness to the problem, find themselves safe, in the fundamental things, in the expert hands of their government and its agencies.

Having spent so much of the storm's aftermath in the blackout areas without power or phone reception, moreover, I have little sense beyond what I saw with my own eyes of the extent to which that is indeed what happened, ultimately, in the places I visited or elsewhere. Or who is being blamed, and for what, in the aftermath of the storm, when it hasn't.

Even what I saw when I went to Coney Island, the Rockaways, Sea Gate and other hard-hit areas of southern Brooklyn and Queens changed wildly, from day to day but perhaps more tellingly from block to block and varied from what others who were working with us in different neighborhoods experienced.

Most shocking, perhaps, beyond the actual violence of the storm, is the degree to which the people both suffering the worst of these effects and answering these demands are often the ones with the fewest resources and the smallest possible footprint. While I have no doubt there are plenty of city agency employees hard at work to make things right, almost without fail, what is being done in the neighborhoods I visited is being done by local community organizers or organizations like the increasingly impressive Occupy Sandy group, who have taken it upon themselves to muster some sort of makeshift relief effort and were doing the best they could to see that the resources they accumulated were delivered to the people most in need.

Those people, meanwhile, appear to be left to rely completely on their own resources and the generosity (and as importantly) the organization of others.

At the end of nearly two weeks, the majority of which was spent traveling to the most devastated areas of Brooklyn and Queens, I could not tell you, nor could very many people I met, what government agencies a person could expect to arrive to help them in this disaster because I saw so few on the ground who might know.

Said one volunteer to me the day after the election: "This is such proof that there is no big government to take over."

I'M NOT SURE THAT BEFORE THIS, I HAD A VERY well organized hierarchy of who deserved my help in a widespread emergency, but if I think about it it was probably similar to most people's: friends first, then neighborhood, then whoever (organizationally speaking) is most in need among those that come to my attention one way or another. In connection with the latter, I quickly learned to stick with organizations that were organized; going door to door sounds both heroic and helpful, but was rarely either. Anyone who involved him- or herself in a relief effort for the glamor of it would be quickly disappointed, and then useless.

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I spent the first few days immediately after Sandy in Red Hook helping a close friend and her husband bail out their townhouse after severe flooding. At the height of the storm the water had reached the first floor and when I arrived there were still puddles of it on the newly installed floorboards. The basement, meanwhile, was a sea of scattered possessions. Literally. A few days later, once the water had been pumped, we plucked displaced wine and liquor bottles from the rafters.

Red Hook may be a newly popular destination for young Brooklyn-bound homebuyers (or at least it was; the effects of Sandy on real estate prices may take some time to become apparent), but it is still an outlier neighborhood, mostly due to its lack of easy access to a subway line and the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway overpass, which cuts it off from the adjacent neighborhoods of Gowanus and Carroll Gardens.

[] Despite all the Styles-section talk of artisanal coffee beans and free-range city chickens, there is still a pioneer spirit to be found here, and it was glaringly apparent those first days when I witnessed neighbors checking in on each other and sharing resources, and generators (and even gas!). That was that first level of organization at work: Help your friends; help your neighbors. One person relayed to me a story of stopping by the local bar, Bait and Tackle, in the evening two nights after the storm, and encountering a packed room singing 'My Girl' in unison.

The local coffee shop happened to be on the block that got power back early and a few doors down an art gallery set up an temporary office where locals could get information and help and (importantly) an internet signal (local neighbors had removed passwords from wireless signals to help with the connectivity strain).

This was the first time I experienced the strange shifting of currency that takes place in an emergency. Every conversation started with "do you have gas? do you have electricity?" and people quickly came to be described in terms of the power and gas resources they had, rather than the usual­their address or their jobs in the real life that presumably would still exist on the other side of Sandy.

Even this early, only a day or two after the storm and before the gas lines around the borough began to resemble blocks-long alternate side of the street parking, people were already dropping their voices and whispering their gas reserves.

The Red Hook Initiative, a 10-year-old community organization, kicked into gear almost immediately, calling for specific donations (the specificity, I would later learn, is absolutely key) and volunteers.

The neighborhood was quickly getting a lesson in the folkways of disaster relief that are so well known to more disaster-prone parts of the country. It turns out one can only apply for FEMA financial assistance online or on the phone, which meant finding a working land line or internet connection.

The questions on the surprisingly simple and streamlined application told their own story about the places of the country most affected by disaster. Under the space where the applicant is asked to enter their social security number is a note that gives special directions for applicants who are American citizens but either don't know or don't have a social security number, a strange but fitting counterpart to the controversial voter ID laws that have plagued this election season.

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While I was in the gallery helping a friend fill out her FEMA application online, a man from down the street came through the door. Clearly shell-shocked, he said out loud to no one in particular that he had lost both his delivery business and his house; and that the neighborhood he primarily delivered to was Coney Island.

"I never in a million years imagined this could happen," he said, mostly to himself.

It's always hard to read the stories of people who have had their lives devastated, seemingly at random, not by any set of choices they might have made themselves but simply because they allowed themselves to believe that it was impossible to lose everything for no reason, and not be made whole by ... someone. But to stand next to them and watch as their shoulders hunch over, to almost be able to feel the silent waves of despair that are pulsing through them as the realization hits them, is something else altogether, and hard to put into words that do it justice.

These sorts of stories would be legion by the end of the week, but perhaps what was most jarring about the situation in Red Hook was how, even as Sandy's destruction continued to reverberate throughout these neighborhoods, just four blocks north life was continuing apace in Carroll Gardens. It seemed impossible that just blocks away from the mountains of refuse being disgorged from the guts of houses along the block, the regular chatter of restaurant patrons and bar hoppers, the hum of street life, and soon the comforting rumble of the subway, would return, for some.

THE DIVIDE THIS STORM CREATED IN MANHATTAN has been well documented.

Those who lived here during Sept. 11th will perhaps be less surprised at how this city is able to keep thriving as usual even as parts of it are in deep trauma. That said, biking down from the Upper West Side to Brooklyn at night on Halloween, it had the power to surprise anew.

On the Upper West Side where I began my route, buildings with elevators and doormen were whisking trick-or-treating children up and down, and Central Park South was packed with tourists toting shopping bags and gawking at the dangling crane; moving further south below the line, darkness and emptiness, as though the entire bottom of the island had decamped to the afterlife, an urban undead. From there across the bridge to thriving Brooklyn Heights, where I live, and which basically just suffered a bad thunderstorm. It was one of the strangest bike rides I have ever taken.

But it pales now in comparison to the neighborhood divides I would see on trips to the Rockaways and Coney Island.

On Sunday morning, the day after Ben sent out a call for donations, I biked over to Ditmas Park to help with the effort. On the way I sped by what looked like a mountain of downed tree trunks, which had been collected into piles in Prospect Park. I then turned up along Coney Island Avenue, where I passed blocks and blocks of double-parked cars I casually assumed had been moved for cleaning before I finally realized they were in one epic long line for gas. I stopped at a rolled-down car window and the woman inside told me she'd been in line for hours and was hoping to fill her tank so her family could siphon it off.

On the way home that night I spotted car-service cars on side streets allowing families with red gallon tanks to do just that. By Tuesday all these sights would seem completely familiar.

[] By the time I showed up on at the drop-off location for what has now been designated @DPRelief (Ben worries it's in bad taste to tie the relief effort to his bar's Twitter handle) on Stratford and Cortelyou roads in Ditmas Park, the piles of donated goods were being organized on the sidewalk outside. In a few days the process would get smoother and New Yorkers would get savvier about how to give. Garbage bags clearly labeled. Batteries and disinfectants at a premium.

One half of the caravan (roughly, two school buses and three cars) would be going to Staten Island, the other half to the Rockaways.

Ben was running a tight ship, drawing on his experience working for nonprofits, and had decreed that on this first trip only people he knows­some of whom are fellow business owners in the neighborhood who will in the coming days supply not just manpower but hot food­will be going out; we will all have buddies, travel with an iPhone and car chargers, and there would rendezvous points along the way where we would regroup before heading in.

Each bus was loaded up with a variety of supplies. As the days went on Ben would begin to organize the donations in the bus according to the locations they were destined for rather than what kind of supplies they were; this made them easier, and more politically sound, to unload and dispatch when we arrived.

This routine would continue in a similar vein, with the number of hands on deck decreasing slightly when people had to get back to their jobs, in the following days. Generally, Ben would get a call directing him to a specific location and listing specific needs; Ben would coordinate volunteers who would load the buses and cars with the supplies based on that information and send out a sortie.

On my way with the caravan headed for the Rockaways I sat crammed into the front seat of a mini-schoolbus listening to a top-10 hip-hop countdown of songs I've never heard before. Flatbush Avenue, normally clamorous with racing and weaving cars, was nearly empty. At every gas station there was a line-up of people toting red gasoline canisters. Our driver told me he spent all of the Sunday and Monday before the storm made landfall driving full-sized school buses around the Rockaways to help evacuate residents, but that no one would come: "They were all worried about their homes getting looted."

Ahead of our buses drove our escort, a local who happened to be a Secret Service agent but was volunteering his help on his days off. He guided us through the increasingly empty streets. Later, while we were waiting in line for a drop-off, he described to me the 'go bag' he keeps in the trunk of his car, which among other things contains M.R.E.s (Meals, Ready to Eat), a "smaller" bullet-proof vest, a puncture wound kit. The chocolate bar and hand-crank flashlight I kept by my door during the storm suddenly seemed terribly naïve.

Our first stop was the office of City Councilman James Sanders. It is the only relief effort I saw the entire time I had been out there til then that had been organized by a local politician, though it's important to reiterate that things changed so significantly on a daily basis, it's not fair to use my experience as emblematic of anything but exactly that.

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When we arrived, locals were already lined up outside with shopping carts. We soon formed a chain to move the goods out of the bus and into the facility. Inside it was dark; the neighborhood was still without power. Sanders' office had organized it so that people arrived with a list of what they needed, and a runner would then go and retrieve it for them from the supply inside the facility. This was by far the most organized effort I had yet seen on the ground, and it wasn't until we made a few more stops that I began to understand that the hardest part of a relief effort isn't assembling the supplies­Americans are arguably among the most generous people on the planet­but the ability to receive and distribute them in a way that is fair, organized, and effective.

[] After a few phone calls Ben determined our next stop would be Sea Gate, a private community at the very end of Coney Island. Our route there took us through Brighton Beach, where numerous storefronts appeared to be open for business, and then onto the mostly shuttered Coney Island boardwalk past the aquarium and a dark Nathan's. Here, there were piles of sand washed up on the roads. As we passed by the still powerless low-income high rises that line the waterfront we saw people picking at piles of clothes that had been left on the corners.

And then, arriving in Sea Gate provided yet another contrast. The community, which has its own police force, has been devastated by the storm; Sandy itself did not discriminate. Houses half blown away; streets filled with piles of debris. However, unlike so many other neighborhoods we'd passed through, there was some intake infrastructure assembled there for us to fit into when we arrived.

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Just beyond the entrance to the neighborhood, a hot food line had been set up. Beside it a young man was chopping wood to keep a garbage-can fire going. Inside everything was being organized on tables and piles of clothing were being sorted. Outside by the door was a box where found photos were being collected and organized. One of the women we talked to, a Sea Gate resident who was heading up the volunteer effort, asked that we check back in in a few days to see what they may need down the line. Then, she advised us not to stop after dark on the long stretch of Neptune Avenue we had driven through to get to her. "I would feel terrible if something happened to you," she said.

On Monday the same thing started all over again. Our numbers were smaller, people were returning to work, and we'd lost our escorts, but our group now included an Army captain who had just returned from Afghanistan. By noon we'd been dispatched to a church parking lot on Beach 67th Street in Rockaway Beach.

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The parking lot was empty when we arrived except for one National Grid truck; National Grid is the contract operator that works with the Long Island Power Authority, whose power lines run onto the Rockaway Peninsula. Rockaway is the one part of New York City not served by Con Edison. The National Grid truck had set up a table where people could charge their phones.

It was difficult not to conclude based on our surroundings that the neighborhood had not been served at all. Within five minutes of us setting up our goods in the empty lot, and without any real outreach needed, crowds began to appear­batteries, flashlights, disinfectants, diapers and blankets were getting snatched up quickly. It's at this point the need began to feel overwhelming, and the frightening suspicion that help, official help in the form of city officials or large established disaster-relief organizations, was not going to arrive, started to sneak up on us.

Emptied out, we returned to Ditmas Park, loaded up again, and made another trip out to the same location; by the time we'd returned all the clothes we had delivered are in piles on the ground where they were being sorted through by families.

[] While I was unpacking a garbage bag full of blankets one woman arrived with her daughter, who appeared to have Down syndrome, and asked if she could take two blankets instead of one. The feeling that I, or any of the volunteers, were somehow believed to be in charge of dictating what rations these families struggling in the cold could get struck me suddenly, and was obscene. I told her to take what she wanted. We left before the sun went down.

The next day Ben told me he returned to the same location to find a army of volunteers had arrived and an impressive organization had been set up. We had simply been the first ones out there­six days after the storm.

On the way home, Ben stopped in Coney Island to deliver medical supplies that had been requested while we were out. Ben (perhaps fairly described as not a dog person) was handed a disheveled Yorkie by a woman and asked to take it to the vet. Not long after getting back into the car, dog in arms, he was confronted by the dog's other owner, who accused him of "seizing" it. The dog was returned.

The exchange perfectly sums up one of the difficulties of trying to help the Rockaways and Coney Island, which encompass very wealthy and very poor sections all in a matter of 10 blocks: how much of this distress existed pre-Sandy? In some places, where the lack of a neighborhood infrastructure has resulted in a completely chaotic relief effort, the answer is a lot.

On Tuesday, one week after Sandy, some of our group went out in cars, and I and a friend were split onto a larger bus that was carrying a number of different groups. It was the first time I came into contact with volunteers not picked and vetted by Ben. The result was somewhat more chaotic; there was no clear leader and everyone had a different idea where our priorities should lie. To say that organization is the key to any useful relief effort is to say that the sun is key to daytime.

Instead of heading directly out to the Rockways, our intended destination, our bus ended up returning to Park Slope to pick up hot food from Congregation Beth Elohim, which, it should be noted, truly has the most impressively set up response on the collection end that I came in contact with the whole week.

Not for the first time was I struck by the role religious institutions play in communities, even now; and how in moments of crisis we suffer for their regression as an informal layer of organization for communities. In some places, the apparent lack of them, or any replacement institutions that could play a similar role in linking a community together and organizing it so that it can be effectively deployed when the need arises, both in the neighborhoods where relief is collected and in those where it is distributed, was deeply disheartening.

The hot food we'd collected at Beth Elohim was destined for a retirement high rise on the beach in Far Rockaway that remained without power. When we finally arrived the food was turned away: there was some question whether it was kosher, and eventually we were told the volunteers who come to deliver it to the people on the top floors had already left anyway. While we were loading the food back onto the bus a young woman, black, who appeared to be in the third trimester of her pregnancy, approached us in the parking lot. It was Election Day and she was looking for a place to vote. The line in her neighborhood is too long to stand in, in her condition and anyway she didn't want to "go back to Baghdad" to wait in it. We directed her inside.

Eventually we took the food to a nearby high-rise where we were advised to keep it in the bus until the local organizer we were traveling with could assess the situation in the lobby. He was worried if we just started appearing with the food we might be rushed. Once we were given the go-ahead we set the food up in the lobby where locals were huddled under blankets and sleeping bags. The fact that we arrived with serving utensils was greeted with great joy.

From there we met up with Ben in a residential area of Bayswater where a group of Orthodox Jewish locals had congregated. They were especially relieved to see our baby supplies; the women with babies from nearby houses had been grouped in a separate house next door. The woman heading up the effort refused to let Ben leave without taking some soup they had made, for ourselves.

Finally we headed to St. Francis de Sales, a Catholic church in Belle Harbor. Ben went ahead in a different car and there was some frustrated discussion on the bus about whether it wouldn't be better to hand out what we have door to door. By then it was late afternoon and the sun was close to setting and I worried about people not knowing the neighborhood well enough to be left to their own devices. Thanks to Rockway Taco and similar spots that have sprung up along the boardwalk these past few summers, the Rockaways are more familiar to many New Yorkers from points north than they were a few years before, but it is still a foreign location to many, and a place that's not easy to get home from even if you do know your way (as I and the friend I was traveling with do).

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St. Francis had mobilized a huge operation. Belle Harbor is (or was) a lovely neighborhood, traditionally home to many police and fire-deparment officers, and not far from Jacob Riis Park and Fort Tilden beach, where I have spent many summer afternoons over the years. Even though it is perhaps economically better equipped to weather the effects of Sandy than many of the places we had been to the devastation was heartbreaking. By the time we arrived the sidewalks around St. Francis were lined with people serving hot food, on the grass there were mountains of clothes in various piles, milling around among the crowds was a heavy presence of National Guard. Inside, the gymnasium was filled with donations; a man with a booming voice directed people arriving with cat food to put it against the far wall. "Don't forget about the animals!" he bellowed. Clothes had been organized and were piled high along the walls; St. Francis had stopped accepting new clothing donations before we arrived, as had most similar places.

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Outside the surrounding streets were absolutely gutted. Almost literally. There were huge piles of sand that had washed up onto the streets. Halves of houses were missing everywhere you looked, cars were wrapped around posts. We took a walk on the beach so a photographer who was traveling with us could snap some pictures; entire walls from the houses facing the water had disappeared. Spray-painted on a boiler now lodged on the sidewalk in the typically defiant spirit of the neighborhood were the words "the sun always shines on 136th."

We made our way back to the car as dusk fell. Along the way we passed a group of men who were clearing the end of their driveway of debris by hand, and loading the debris into a bulldozer. The army captain and member of our group who had been working closely with Ben all week, quickly removed his jacket and went to assist them and we picked him up at the corner on our way out and back to Brooklyn.

The ride home felt like an evacuation: traffic was backed up all the way to Jacob Riis park, where the parking lot had been turned to a landfill site for hurricane debris. It took us more than an hour to cover the eight miles back to Ditmas Park.

ON THURSDAY BEN TOLD ME HE WAS ORGANIZING TEAMS OF PEOPLE to go back out to the places we'd been and go door-to-door. Based on what he and his group had seen manpower was needed to help people clean out their houses. A few hours earlier Bloomberg had imposed gas rationing rules, which would begin Friday. As we were in his bar talking over the week someone came in whispering of a secret gas station where the line was only about 25 minutes long. Later, standing outside in the cold Ben fielded a text from Far Rockaway requesting hand sanitizers and baby food. A neighbor pulled up in a shiny new black car. "Did it come with a full tank?" someone asked. And still, little sign of any of it stopping.