On August 14, 1935, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt signed the Social Security Act into law. While he had already put in place new measures to regulate business and banking and had provided temporary work relief to combat the Depression, this law permanently changed the nature of the American government. The Social Security Act established a federal system of old-age benefits; unemployment insurance; aid to homeless, dependent, and neglected children; funds to promote maternal and child welfare; and public health services. It was a sweeping reworking of the relationship of the government to its citizens, using the power of taxation to pool funds to provide a basic social safety net. The driving force behind the law was FDR's secretary of labor, Frances Perkins. She was the first woman to hold a position in the U.S. Cabinet and still holds the record for having the longest tenure in that job: she lasted from 1933 to 1945. Perkins brought to the position a vision of government very different from that of the Republicans who had run it in the 1920s. While men like President Herbert Hoover had embraced the idea of a "rugged individualism" in which men provided for their families on their own, Perkins recognized that the vision of a hardworking man supporting his wife and children was more myth than reality: her own husband suffered from bipolar disorder, making her the family's primary support. She understood that Americans had always supported each other. As a child, Perkins spent summers with her grandmother, with whom she was very close, in the small town of Newcastle, Maine, where she witnessed a supportive community. In college, at Mount Holyoke, she majored in chemistry and physics, but after a professor required students to tour a factory to observe working conditions, Perkins became committed to improving the lives of those trapped in industrial jobs. After college, Perkins became a social worker and, in 1910, earned a masters degree in economics and sociology from Columbia University. She became the head of the New York office of the National Consumers League, urging consumers to use their buying power to demand better conditions and wages for the workers who made the products they were buying. The next year, in 1911, she witnessed a fire at the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory in which 146 workers, mostly women and girls, died. They were trapped in the building when the fire broke out because the factory owner had ordered the doors to the stairwells and exits locked to make sure no one slipped outside for a break. Unable to escape the smoke and fire in the factory, the workers—some of them on fire—leaped from the 8th, 9th, and 10th floors of the building, dying on the pavement. The Triangle Shirtwaist Fire proved to Perkins that voluntary organizations would never be enough to improve workers' lives. She turned toward using the government to adjust the harsh conditions of industrialization. She began to work with the Democratic politicians at Tammany Hall, who presided over communities in the city that mirrored rural towns and who exercised a form of social welfare for their voters, making sure they had jobs, food, and shelter and that wives and children had a support network if a husband and father died. In that system the voices of women like Perkins were valuable, for their work in the immigrant wards of the city meant that they were the ones who knew what working families needed to survive. The overwhelming unemployment, hunger, and suffering during the Great Depression convinced Perkins that state governments alone could not adjust the conditions of the modern world to create a safe, supportive community for ordinary people. She came to believe, as she said: "The people are what matter to government, and a government should aim to give all the people under its jurisdiction the best possible life." Perkins met FDR through her Tammany connections, and when he asked her to be his secretary of labor, she told him that she wanted the federal government to provide unemployment insurance, health insurance, and old-age insurance. She later recalled: "I remember he looked so startled, and he said, 'Well, do you think it can be done?'" Creating federal unemployment insurance became her primary concern. Congressmen had little interest in passing such legislation, claiming that unemployment insurance and federal aid to dependent families would undermine a man's willingness to work. But Perkins recognized that the Depression had added pressure to the idea of social insurance by emphasizing the needs of older Americans. In Long Beach, California, Dr. Francis Townsend had looked out of his window one day to see elderly women rooting through garbage cans for food. Appalled, he came up with a plan to help the elderly and stimulate the economy at the same time. Townsend proposed that the government provide every retired person over 60 years old with $200 a month, on the condition that they spend it within 30 days, a condition designed to stimulate the economy. Townsend's plan was wildly popular. More than that, though, it sparked people across the country to start coming up with their own plans for protecting the elderly and the nation's social fabric. It also spurred Congress to action. Perkins recalled that Townsend "startled the Congress of the United States because the aged have votes. The wandering boys didn't have any votes; the evicted women and their children had very few votes. If the unemployed didn't stay long enough in any one place, they didn't have a vote. But the aged people lived in one place and they had votes, so every Congressman had heard from the Townsend Plan people." FDR put together a committee to come up with a plan, but committee members could not make up their minds how to move forward. Perkins continued to hammer on the idea they must come up with something, and finally locked the members of the committee in a room. As she recalled: "Well, we locked the door and we had a lot of talk. I laid out a couple of bottles of something or other to cheer their lagging spirits. Anyhow, we stayed in session until about 2 a.m. We then voted finally, having taken our solemn oath that this was the end; we were never going to review it again." By the time the bill came to a vote, it was hugely popular. The vote was 371 to 33 in the House and 77 to 6 in the Senate. When asked to describe the origins of the Social Security Act, Perkins mused that its roots came from the very beginnings of the nation. When Alexis de Toqueville wrote Democracy in America in 1835, she noted, he thought Americans were uniquely "so generous, so kind, so charitably disposed." "Well, I don't know anything about the times in which De Tocqueville visited America," she said, but "I do know that at the time I came into the field of social work, these feelings were real." With the Social Security Act, Perkins helped to write into our laws a longstanding political impulse in America that stood in dramatic contrast to the 1920s philosophy of rugged individualism. She recognized that the ideas of community values and pooling resources to keep the economic playing field level and take care of everyone are at least as deeply seated in our political philosophy as the idea of every man for himself. In a 1962 speech recalling the origins of the Social Security Act, Perkins reflected: "Of course, the Act had to be amended, and has been amended, and amended, and amended, and amended, until it has now grown into a large and important project, for which, by the way, I think the people of the United States are deeply thankful. One thing I know: Social Security is so firmly embedded in the American psychology today that no politician, no political party, no political group could possibly destroy this Act and still maintain our democratic system. It is safe. It is safe forever, and for the everlasting benefit of the people of the United States." In 2014, Perkins's Maine home was designated a National Historic Landmark. But in 2024 it is no longer guaranteed that Social Security is "safe forever." The Republican Party has called repeatedly for cuts to the popular program. As recently as March 2024, the Republican Study Committee, which includes the Republican House leadership and about 80% of House Republicans, said it is "committed to protecting and strengthening" Social Security by raising the retirement age and cutting benefits for those who are not yet approaching retirement. The Heritage Foundation, the main organization behind Project 2025, said in June that the retirement age should be raised. There was such an outcry over that plan that Republicans backed away from it. By July, the Republicans promised in their 2024 platform to "FIGHT FOR AND PROTECT SOCIAL SECURITY…WITH NO CUTS, INCLUDING NO CHANGES TO THE RETIREMENT AGE," but offered no plan for making it solvent except further deregulation and tax cuts. Indeed, Trump's recent promise to end federal taxes on Social Security benefits for wealthier recipients could, according to the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, increase the budget deficit by $1.6 to $1.8 trillion by 2036, making the plan insolvent two years earlier than currently projected. As Minnesota governor, Vice President Kamala Harris's running mate Tim Walz expanded the state tax exemption for Social Security, eliminating it for most seniors but not affecting the program's solvency. One hundred and eighty-eight Democrats have cosponsored the Social Security 2100 Act, which expands Social Security benefits and raises payroll taxes on those who earn more than $400,000 a year to pay for it. — Notes: https://www.ssa.gov/history/35act.html https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php https://www.ssa.gov/history/perkins5.html https://francesperkinscenter.org/life-new/ https://www.cnbc.com/2024/08/09/trump-plan-cut-taxes-on-social-security-benefits.html https://thehill.com/opinion/finance/4824705-populist-republicans-entitlements-reform/ https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/2024-republican-party-platform https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/4583/all-actions You're currently a free subscriber to Letters from an American. If you need help receiving Letters, changing your email address, or unsubscribing, please visit our Support FAQ. You can also submit a help request directly. For the full experience, upgrade your subscription.
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Wednesday, August 14, 2024
Fw: August 13, 2024
Dear ANS group -- This edition of Heather Cox Richardson's posts is the history of Social Security. Worth reading.
----- Forwarded Message -----
From: Heather Cox Richardson from Letters from an American <heathercoxrichardson@substack.com>
To: "kimc0240@yahoo.com" <kimc0240@yahoo.com>
Sent: Tuesday, August 13, 2024 at 07:50:50 PM PDT
Subject: August 13, 2024
Friday, August 09, 2024
Fwd: Look dems made the market crash.
---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Joyce Segal <joyceck10@gmail.com>
Date: Wed, Aug 7, 2024 at 6:12 AM
Subject: Look dems made the market crash.
To: Kim Cooper <kimc0240@gmail.com>
From: Joyce Segal <joyceck10@gmail.com>
Date: Wed, Aug 7, 2024 at 6:12 AM
Subject: Look dems made the market crash.
To: Kim Cooper <kimc0240@gmail.com>
for a day!
This is what it looks like now:
Thursday, August 08, 2024
ANS -- HCR; August 7, 2024
Another from Heather Cox Richardson. Much of it is about Project 2025 and Trump's attempt to back off from it.
--Kim
August 7, 2024 (Wednesday)
The Democratic presidential ticket of Vice President Kamala Harris and Minnesota governor Tim Walz continues to gain momentum, with people flocking to their events and pouring money into the Democrats' campaign: in the first 24 hours after Walz joined the ticket, the party raised $36 million from more than 450,000 donors, more than a third of them giving for the first time. In contrast, the Republicans seem to be imploding. For years, people have noted that the party seemed to be painting itself into a corner, but it's very odd to watch it now seem to be trapped.
Yesterday afternoon, after Harris's selection of Walz had hit social media and enthusiasm was building, Trump posted on his social media company an elaborate and bizarre fantasy that President Joe Biden would suddenly try to take back the 2024 Democratic presidential nomination.
"What are the chances that Crooked Joe Biden, the WORST President in the history of the U.S., whose Presidency was Unconstitutionally STOLEN from him by Kamabla, Barrack HUSSEIN Obama, Crazy Nancy Pelosi, Shifty Adam Schiff, Cryin' Chuck Schumer, and others on the Lunatic Left, CRASHES the Democrat National Convention and tries to take back the Nomination, beginning with challenging me to another DEBATE. He feels that he made a historically tragic mistake by handing over the U.S. Presidency, a COUP, to the people in the World he most hates, and he wants it back, NOW!!!"
Aside from Trump's obvious yearning to go back to running against Biden, on whom his personal attacks seemed to stick, and his attempt to find some nickname that will stick to Harris, this rant shows that the Republicans seem unable to counter popular Democratic policies.
The heart of their policies were in Project 2025, the extremist vision of a country ruled by a strongman who took the civil service, the Department of Justice, and the military under his own control in order to slash the popular, secular parts of the government and replace them with Christian nationalism. Right-wing evangelicals liked what was outlined in the project, but when the majority of Americans began to understand what was in it, they were quite clear they wanted no part of it. Trump then tried to distance himself from it, although he had publicly praised it, his political action committee had called it his plan, and more than 100 of its architects were people who had served in his administration.
And then it turned out that Trump's vice presidential pick, J. D. Vance, had written the introduction for a book by Heritage Foundation president Kevin Roberts, the chief author of Project 2025. The original publication date for the book, which calls for "a peaceful 'Second American Revolution,'" was in September, shortly before the election, but today the publisher announced it would put off publication until November, after the election.
But advance reader copies of Roberts's book are already in the hands of reviewers, and Madeline Peltz of Media Matters is posting some of the content online. In it, she notes, Roberts "rails against birth control, in vitro fertilization, abortion, and dog parks. He says that having children should not be considered an 'optional individual choice,' but a 'social expectation,'" and that reproductive choice is a "snake strangling the American family." It is no accident that Vance's numbers with women continue to fall.
And the Roberts book is only one of Vance's recent unpopular steps: it turns out that he also wrote a glowing blurb for a book written by ghostwriter Joshua Lisec under the name of far-right conspiracy theorist Jack Posobiec. The book, titled "Unhumans: The Secret History of Communist Revolutions (and How to Crush Them)," calls for purging their enemies from society. "In the past, communists marched in the streets waving red flags," Vance wrote. "Today, they march through HR, college campuses, and courtrooms to wage lawfare against good, honest people… In 'Unhumans,' Jack Posobiec and Joshua Lisec reveal their plans and show us what to do to fight back."
Without popular policies, MAGA Republicans are simply falling back on the old narrative techniques they used in the past. This morning, Trump called into Fox & Friends, where he fell back on the old argument that Democrats are essentially communists who are undermining American culture. Of Harris-Walz, he said, "This is a ticket that would want this country to go communist immediately if not sooner." Trump also tried to hit on the culture wars Republicans have fallen back on since the 1970s, warning that Walz is "very heavy into transgender. Anything transgender he thinks is great."
Trump also tried to push the idea that Harris's choosing of Walz over Pennsylvania governor Josh Shapiro proves that the Democrats are antisemitic. "I think it's very insulting to Jewish people," Trump said. This is a hard sell considering that of the 26 members of Congress who are Jewish, 24 are Democrats, and of the 9 Jewish senators, 8 are Democrats and 1 is an Independent. And then, of course, there is the fact that Second Gentleman Doug Emhoff is himself Jewish.
When the stock market tumbled Monday, Trump tried to pin the slide on Harris—calling it the Kamala Crash—and Vance seemed to bet against the United States, predicting that "[t]his moment could set off a real economic calamity around the globe." When the market rebounded Tuesday, the two remained silent.
Indeed, Trump is largely off the campaign trail, raising suggestions that his handlers don't want him in public out of concern about what he will do—not a frivolous concern after his angry performance last week before the National Association of Black Journalists.
Meanwhile, Vance is traveling around to the sites where Harris and Walz are speaking. His crowds are embarrassingly small compared to theirs, and he seems perhaps to be trying to intimidate his opponents as Trump tried to do when he loomed behind his 2016 Democratic opponent, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Today Vance and a phalanx of his team approached reporters near Harris's plane to attack her, only to discover she wasn't around, at which point he boasted the plane would soon be his.
But rather than seeming intimidating, he came across as so desperate for attention that he had to stalk a more popular figure across the tarmac. Former representative Liz Cheney (R-WY) apparently thought so: she reposted Vance's photo of his group of about nine people walking away from Harris's plane and commented: "Looks like [Vance] brought all his rally attendees to the airport with him today."
MAGA Republicans also appear to be reaching to their past by attacking Walz with the sort of "swift boat" smear campaign attacking his military service they launched against decorated veteran John Kerry when he ran for president in 2004. Indeed, the Republican operative widely thought to be behind the attacks on Kerry, Chris LaCivita, is now in charge of the Trump-Vance campaign. Vance today suggested that Walz is engaging in "stolen valor." Vance served for four years as a Marine, including as a military journalist in Iraq, where he did not experience combat. Walz served in the Army National Guard for 24 years, during which he deployed in response to natural disasters in the United States and served in Europe in support of U.S. operations in Afghanistan.
A number of observers are saying that part of the genius of the Walz pick is that he seems to many people to be the dad and grandfather stolen away by the right-wing rage machine of talk radio and the Fox News Channel and replaced with frightened, angry people who suspect their neighbors and insist the country is going to hell. It seems unlikely that doubling down on that narrative will attract the voters the MAGA ticket needs to win a majority of votes in 2024.
Yesterday the Republican-dominated Georgia State Election Board passed a rule that could delay the certification of an election until "after reasonable inquiry that the tabulation and canvassing of the election are complete and accurate and that the results are a true and accurate accounting of all votes cast in that election." In a rally on Saturday, Trump thanked the three Republican members of the board—Janice Johnston, Rick Jeffares, and Janelle King—by name, calling them "pit bulls fighting for honesty, transparency, and victory."
In 2020, Trump tried to get Georgia to throw out its certification of Biden's victory there, claiming the vote had been marred by fraud, especially among the state's Black population. He told Georgia secretary of state Brad Raffensperger to "find" him 11,780 votes—one more than the 11,779 that had given Biden the state.
Yesterday, news broke that former Trump lawyer Jenna Ellis, who was indicted in Arizona for her participation in the scheme to replace the state's real electors for Biden with fake ones for Trump, has agreed to a plea deal. In exchange for the state dropping its charges against her, she has agreed to provide information and materials about the scheme and to testify "at any time and place."
Tuesday, August 06, 2024
ANS -- HCR August 5, 2024 (Monday)
Here's another one from Heather Cox Richardson. Part of it is about Americans starting to see the difference between Trump and the Democrats in that Trump is saying stuff while the Dems are doing stuff. I hope she's correct.
--Kim
August 5, 2024 (Monday)
Christi Carras of the Los Angeles Times reported today that the reality TV industry has collapsed. From April to June, reality TV production in the Los Angeles region fell by 57% compared to the same period in 2023; that's a 50% drop over the five-year average, excluding the Covid-induced production shutdown. The immediate reasons for the dropping production are systemic to the business, Carras reports, but the change seems to represent Americans' souring on the blurring of reality and entertainment that gave us the Trump era.
Trump rose to political power thanks to his appearances on reality TV, which claimed to be unscripted but was actually edited to emphasize ruthless competition among people striving for ultimate victory in a closed system. The Apprentice launched in 2004, and its highly edited episodes portrayed its star, Trump, as a brilliant and very wealthy businessman despite his past failures.
Since 2015, Trump has offered a simple narrative of American life that did not reflect reality. Using the sort of language rising authoritarians use to attract a disaffected population, he promised those left behind economically by forty years of supply-side economics that he would bring back manufacturing, close tax loopholes, promote infrastructure, and make healthcare cheaper and better. He also promised sexists and racists who wanted to roll back the gains women and racial and gender minorities had made since the 1950s that he would, once again, center white, heteronormative men.
He never delivered on his economic promises: manufacturing continued to decline, he cut taxes for the wealthy and for corporations, "infrastructure week" became a national joke, and rather than expand the Affordable Care Act, Republicans repeatedly tried to kill it. But Trump and his followers did center those who had gravitated toward the MAGA movement for its cultural promises. Now, in 2024, that gravitation means that the Republican Party has become an antidemocratic vehicle for Christian nationalism.
In the 2024 contest, Trump has continued to push a fake narrative, but his ability to dominate the political conversation is slipping. Last Wednesday, his interview before the National Association of Black Journalists began more than an hour late; Trump publicly blamed the delay on the association's technology, and there was, in fact, a brief issue with the audio. But it turns out that the delay was due primarily to Trump's not wanting to be fact-checked during the interview. He was not willing to go on stage without a promise that the journalists would permit him to say whatever he wanted. They declined.
Trump's determination to have a friendly audience to promote his narrative was behind the dust-up over planned presidential debates. Trump has not sat down for an interview with any but friendly right-wing interviewers. He agreed to a September 10 debate on ABC News back when he assumed the Democratic presidential nominee would be President Joe Biden. As soon as Biden said he would not accept the nomination, Trump suggested he would not be willing to follow through with the ABC News event if Vice President Kamala Harris was his opponent.
Over the weekend, he announced that he would be willing to debate Harris on September 4, but only on his terms: he wants the Fox News Channel—which had to pay a $787 million settlement for lying that Trump won the 2020 election—to host such an event, and he wants the arena full of people. Essentially, he wants to set up the conditions for one of his rallies and then "debate" Harris in that right-wing bubble.
But Harris has stood firm on the previous agreement, condemning Trump's trash talk about her and daring Trump instead to "say it to my face." She is taunting him for chickening out of the arranged debate, and says she will follow through with the September 10 event to which both campaigns agreed. Trump's new plan doubles as a way to get out of debating altogether: he's saying that if she doesn't show up at his event, he won't debate her at all.
At the same time, Americans have seen the Biden-Harris administration actually do the hard work of governing, completing the promises Trump made but didn't deliver. Manufacturing has surged under Biden, with factories under construction and about 800,000 manufacturing jobs created. The Biden-Harris administration more fully funded the IRS to go after tax cheats, passing the mark of recovering more than $1 billion from high-income, high-wealth individuals earlier this month and scoring a $6 billion judgment against Coca-Cola Co. for back taxes just last week. The Bipartisan Infrastructure Law is rebuilding the nation's roads and bridges, and a record high number of people have enrolled in affordable health coverage plans since January 2021.
The difference between sound bites and the hard work of governance was illustrated last week when Biden and Harris were the ones who pulled off a complicated multi-country swap that freed Wall Street Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich—whom Trump had repeatedly boasted that he alone could get Russian president Vladimir Putin to release—along with fifteen other Russian-held prisoners.
That focus on complicated governance rather than sound bites has paid off in the Indo-Pacific region as well. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, and National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan wrote in the Washington Post today that "enhanced U.S. power in the [Indo-Pacific] region is one of the most important legacies of this administration."
They note that "[n]o place on Earth is more critical to Americans' livelihoods and futures than the Indo-Pacific." It generates nearly 60% of global gross domestic product and its commerce supports more than 3 million U.S. jobs, while the area's security challenges—North Korea's nuclear ambitions and China's provocations at sea—have far reaching effects.
As the U.S. turned inward during the Trump administration, China's power grew, and when Biden and Harris took office, America's standing in the Indo-Pacific was at "its lowest point in decades." Biden's transformation of the nation's Indo-Pacific policy "is one of the most important and least-told stories of the [administration's] foreign policy strategy," the authors write. Biden's team replaced one-to-one relationships in the region with wider partnerships: AUKUS, a new security partnership comprising Australia, the U.K., and the U.S.; a trilateral summit with Japan and South Korea; and a summit with Japan and the Philippines. It elevated the Quad—Australia, India, Japan, and the U.S.—and hosted both the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Pacific Islands Forum. With 13 other countries, it created the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity.
These partnerships do not translate to easy slogans, but they have strengthened defense and supply chains and helped address climate change. "Our security partnerships across the Indo-Pacific" make "us and our neighbors safer and stronger," they wrote.
The stock market fell today, with the big indices—the Dow Jones Industrial Average, the Nasdaq Composite, and the S&P 500—all sliding. The Dow, which measures 30 of the nation's older, prominent companies, and the S&P 500, which measures 500 of the largest companies on the U.S. stock exchanges, took their biggest daily losses since September 2022, although they still remain up about 60% from the time of Biden's election.
In June, Moody's Analytics assessed that the economy would grow less under Trump's policies than under a continuation of Biden's, but today, Trump promptly wrote: "Stock markets are crashing, jobs numbers are terrible, we are heading to World War III, and we have two of the most incompetent 'leaders' in history." His running mate, J.D. Vance, followed that up by blaming Vice President Kamala Harris. "The stock market is crashing because of weak and failed Kamala Harris' policies and the world is on the brink of WW3," he said.
But what is really at stake here is the complicated business of balancing the economy as it has come out of the worst of the coronavirus pandemic. The Biden-Harris administration made the decision to invest money in ordinary Americans, and it worked: the U.S. came out of the pandemic with a stronger economy than any other nation.
That economic strength came with inflation, both because people had more money to spend thanks to higher wages and because that cash meant that corporations could continue to charge higher prices: the net profits of food companies, for example, are up by a median of 51% since just before the pandemic, according to Tom Perkins of The Guardian, and one egg producer's profits went up by around 950% (not a typo). To get inflation under control, Federal Reserve chair Jerome Powell—a Trump appointee, by the way—kept interest rates high.
He has been under pressure to cut interest rates in order to keep the economy humming but has not, and on Friday a jobs report showed that U.S. employers had added fewer jobs than economists had expected, while the unemployment rate ticked up. This hiccup in the booming economy prompted investors to sell.
Fine-tuning the economy through interest rates is like catching an egg on a plate. Economist Robert Reich notes that the economy will continue to need the antitrust regulations the administration has put in place to bring down costs, and just today federal judge Amit Mehta ruled that Google illegally maintained a monopoly for internet searches, a decision likely to influence other antitrust lawsuits the government has undertaken.
Voters seem increasingly aware of the difference between image and reality. Today the hospitality workers' union UNITE HERE, which plays a big role in Nevada politics, endorsed Vice President Harris for president. Trump had tried to court the union with a promise to end taxes on tips, a plan Americans for Tax Fairness says avoids increasing the low minimum wage for waitstaff and instead opens the door to tax abuse by high-income professionals who reclassify their compensation as tips.
Union president Gwen Mills told Josh Boak of the Associated Press that Trump was just "making a play" for votes. The union says its members will knock on more than 3.3 million doors for Harris in swing states.
Monday, August 05, 2024
ANS -- August 4, 2024 (Sunday)
Apparently, this has happened before. Yet, democracy prevailed! This is from Heather Cox Richardson, and I learned some about before the Civil War that I didn't know before.
--Kim
August 4, 2024 (Sunday)
To some fanfare, Vice President Kamala Harris's campaign today launched Republicans for Harris, which will kick off with events this week in the swing states of Arizona, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania. Their goal, campaign officials told Zeke Miller of the Associated Press, is to make it easier for Republican voters put off by Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump to back Democratic presidential nominee Harris. Curiously, though, in their embrace of the nation's growing democratic coalition, Republicans crossing the aisle in 2024 are returning to their party's origins.
The Republican Party itself began as a coalition that came together to stand against an oligarchy whose leaders were explicit about their determination to overthrow democracy. As wealth had accumulated in the hands of a small group of elite southern enslavers, those men had turned against American democracy. "I repudiate, as ridiculously absurd, that much-lauded but nowhere accredited dogma of Mr. Jefferson, that 'all men are created equal,'" South Carolina senator James Henry Hammond said.
Enslaver George Fitzhugh of Virginia rejected the other key principle of the Declaration of Independence: that everyone has a right to a say in the government under which they live. "We do not agree with the authors of the Declaration of Independence, that governments 'derive their just powers from the consent of the governed,'" he wrote in 1857. "All governments must originate in force, and be continued by force." There were 18,000 people in his county and only 1,200 could vote, he said, "[b]ut we twelve hundred…never asked and never intend to ask the consent of the sixteen thousand eight hundred whom we govern."
Enslavers like Hammond and Fitzhugh believed that some people were better than others and had the right—and the duty—to impose their will on everyone else. If they did not, men like Fitzhugh believed, poor men and marginalized people would insist on being equal, receiving the value of their work and living as they wished.
Under this dangerous system, Fitzhugh wrote, "society is insensibly, and often unconsciously, marching to the utter abandonment of the most essential institutions—religion, family ties, property, and the restraints of justice." He defended human enslavement as the highest form of society, since paternalistic Christian masters would care for their wards, preventing a world of "No-Government and Free Love."
The elite enslavers came to control the Democratic Party and, through it, the Senate, the White House, and the Supreme Court. The Whig Party tried for decades to make peace with the increasingly extremist southern Democrats, and as they did so, the party splintered, with those opposed either to human enslavement or the spread of human enslavement to the West—those were actually not the same thing—creating their own upstart parties.
And then, in 1854, with the help of Democratic president Franklin Pierce, elite enslavers managed to push through the Senate a bill to organize the two giant territories of Kansas and Nebraska in such a way that they would be able to spread their system across the American West. The new slave states that would form there would be able to join forces in the House of Representatives with the southern slave states to outvote the northern states that rejected enslavement. Without a brake on their ambitions, the enslavers would be able to spread their worldview across the nation. From their position at the head of the United States, they expected to spread their slave-based economy around the globe.
But their triumph was not to be. With the bill under debate in the Senate, Democrat Amos Tuck of New Hampshire—the state Pierce hailed from—wrote: "Now let Frank Pierce consummate his treason, if he dare. There is a North, thank God!... We have…rebuked treason, condemned the Nebraska Bill, and discarded the President." Tuck noted that the Democrats were losing "their best men. I think they (the leaders) can never recover from the consequences of having tried to betray their country." He looked forward to "bringing out in future the true characteristics of our people, so long belied by the most unworthy demagogues…."
Tuck was not alone. The day after the House of Representatives began to debate the Kansas-Nebraska bill, Whig representative Israel Washburn of Maine invited about thirty antislavery representatives to meet at the rooms of his friends, Massachusetts representatives Thomas D. Eliot and Edward Dickinson (whose talented daughter Emily was already writing poetry), in Mrs. Crutchett's select boardinghouse in Washington, D.C. The men who called the meeting were northern Whigs, and the men who came to it entered the elegant room as members of a variety of political parties, but they all left committed to a new northern organization that would stand against the spread of slavery into the West. They called themselves "Republicans," hoping to invoke Thomas Jefferson—who had called his own political party Republican—and recall the principles of the Declaration of Independence.
When the House passed the bill on May 22 and Pierce signed it on May 30, the anti-Nebraska movement took off. Conventions across the North called upon all free men to fight together "for the first principles of Republican Government and against the schemes of aristocracy, the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was ever cursed or man debased." There were 142 northern seats in the House of Representatives; in the midterm elections that year, voters put "anti-Nebraska" congressmen in 120 of them. Anti-Nebraska coalitions elected 11 senators and swept Democrats out of state legislatures across the North.
In 1855, Pierce insisted that Americans opposing the spread of human enslavement were trying to overturn American traditions, insisting that the United States was a white man's republic and that the Founders had intended to create a hierarchy of races.
But those coming together to oppose enslavement denounced Pierce's recasting of American history as "False all through!" As for the Founders, Chicago Tribune editor Joseph Medill wrote, "their 'one guiding thought,' as they themselves proclaimed it, was the inalienable right of ALL men to Freedom, as a principle."
When Democrats tried to call those coming together as Republicans "radicals," rising politician Abraham Lincoln turned the tables by standing firm on the Declaration of Independence. "[Y]ou say you are conservative—eminently conservative—while we are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort," he said, addressing the Democrats who remained determined to base the United States in enslavement.
"What is conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against the new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the point in controversy which was adopted by 'our fathers who framed the Government under which we live'; while you with one accord…spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting something new…. Not one of all your various plans can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which our Government originated."
When voters elected Lincoln president, the fledgling Republican Party turned away from a government that catered to an oligarchy trying to overturn democracy and instead reinvented the American government to create a new, active government that guaranteed to poorer men the right to be treated equally before the law, the right to a say in their government, and access to resources that had previously been monopolized by the wealthy.
The present looks much like that earlier moment when people of all different political backgrounds came together to defend the principles of the United States. In today's moment, when someone like J.D. Vance backer billionaire Peter Thiel says, "Democracy, whatever that means, is exhausted," and the Republicans' Project 2025 calls for replacing democracy with Christian nationalism, it makes sense for all people who care about our history and our democratic heritage to pull together.
Today, Olivia Troye, who served on national security issues in the Trump White House, said, "[W]hat is happening here with the Republican Party… is dangerous and extreme. And I think we need to get back to the values of…observing the rule of law, of standing with our international allies and actually providing true leadership to the world, which is something that Kamala Harris has exhibited during the Biden Administration."
As Lincoln recalled, when people in his era realized that the very nature of America was under attack, they "rose each fighting, grasping whatever he could first reach—a scythe—a pitchfork—a chopping axe, or a butcher's cleaver. We…are rapidly closing in…. " And, he said, "When the storm shall be past," opponents "shall find us still Americans; no less devoted to the continued Union and prosperity of the country than heretofore."
Indeed, when the storm passed in his day, Americans found that the magnitude of the crisis they had weathered and the rise of entirely new issues meant that old party lines had fallen apart and people reorganized along entirely new ones. Famously, Lincoln's secretary of war, Edwin Stanton, who in 1860 had worked for the election of extremist Democrat John C. Breckinridge, stood heartbroken by Lincoln's bedside as he breathed his last and blessed him, saying: "Now he belongs to the ages."
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