Tuesday, April 04, 2017

ANS -- How could Christians support Trump’s lies? It depends on what you mean by ‘truth.’

Here is an article that quotes Marcus Borg, and a FaceBook discussion about it.  You will see that even very smart people have trouble understanding the point.  The point, at least the one Sara Robinson wanted to make about the two kinds of truth, is that if we want to get back to having a liberal society, we have to learn to speak in the language of emotional truth, and to tell our worldview in that language, rather than strictly in the fact-based scientific/Enlightenment language we tend to use.  
--Kim


Acts of Faith

How could Christians support Trump's lies? It depends on what you mean by 'truth.'

 March 29

Donald Trump talks with campaign manager Kellyanne Conway during a September visit to Goody's Restaurant in Brook Park, Ohio. (Evan Vucci/AP)

The thing that baffles most opponents of President Trump (and apparently all comedians) is that he and his staff show a blatant disregard for facts. Trump's insistence that he won the popular vote and that President Obama wiretapped his phones have been easily debunked. Trump supporters who accept or even defend these statements must be stupid or willfully blind, those who oppose him say, shaking their heads in confusion (or, worse, righteous self-congratulation). As a scientist, I can't totally disagree with the confused.

When much of our logic-based, Enlightenment-indoctrinated society holds Trump's statements up for examination, they think that the whole world should see that he's a lying liar, feeding us big-league lies. For these people, the ultimate measure of truth is that it can be supported with facts. It may also be the reason many conservative Christians, who are used to having facts shoved down their throats as the ultimate truth, can relate to Trump despite his disdain for many conservative Christian causes. The simple fact is that there are different kinds of truths.

Americans have had a fact vs. "alternative fact" standoff long before Trump. Western culture has not provided us with a good framework for understanding the nuanced nature of truth. Our current concept of truth is largely a product of the Enlightenment, when humans codified a way to state a question, pose a hypothesis and collect observations that either supported or changed their understanding of the "truth." Most people learn this formula in elementary school, and even those who don't grow up to be scientists use this pattern for determining truth. We use hypothesis-testing daily to figure out everything from where to invest funds to the best way to get our kids to eat their vegetables, and for the most part, it works. Using observations of evidence, we can figure out what's "true" in our world. But factual truths aren't the only truths out there.

My understanding that factual and nonfactual truths could coexist grew after a long period of intellectual dissonance between scientific and religious belief. I was raised in an observant and socially moderate Protestant family, where we went to church weekly and prayed before meals. Everything in the Bible was judged to be "true," and if it didn't make sense that five loaves and two fishes could feed a multitude, it was just a miracle that couldn't be understood.

Sometime after starting my career as an academic scientist, however, the dissonance became too strong. In an effort to understand how both scientific fact and spiritual belief can be true, I completed a certificate in Christian theological education, and found the answer in the section on church history. Scholar Marcus Borg, in "Reading the Bible Again for the First Time," calls it post-critical naivete: an ability to understand that stories are true, even when the primary elements of the story are not historical fact.

Biblical literalism and biblical inerrancy became more central in the Christian church after the age of Enlightenment; before that, scientific theory didn't exist, so "factual" truth wasn't a primary concern. The early Christians were reporting an experience that left a deep, meaningful and long-lasting impression on them, and it was the truth of the experience that mattered, not the factual recounting of every minute of Jesus' life.

Borg, anticipating many Trump supporters by 15 years, said that the Bible was best taken "seriously, not literally." Once someone can absorb the idea that factual truth and spiritual or emotional truth are two different frames of human experience, the conflict between science and religion is moot. The problem occurs when we try to apply the wrong frame to a given experience.

Trump has switched the frame on a society that so deeply values logical thought that many Americans are completely befuddled — and think that everyone else should find this reframing as repugnant as they do. Unfortunately, just screaming "Liar, liar, pants on fire!" and hoping that everyone will get on board isn't going to be effective, because Trump often is delivering a certain kind of truth — an emotional truth.

Despite facts to the contrary, nearly a third of Republican voters believe that Trump, not Hillary Clinton, won the popular vote in November. While his claims that 3 million to 5 million illegal votes for his opponent lost him that race haven't been justified, the emotional truth — that the voting system is out of their control and seems to be rigged against them — is real and deeply felt.

It's certainly easy for Trump supporters to "know" without proof that the mainstream media isn't trustworthy: It hasn't represented their point of view, their truth, in years, and therefore is inherently suspicious. And after years of harboring suspicions that former president Barack Obama is a Muslim, a communist, or worse, any accusation about his interference with the current administration can be seen as something that he would do, even if there's no proof to show that he did do it. Facts don't matter if the emotional impact is real.

The dominance of emotional truth over factual truth is hardly limited to Trump supporters. Those of us who think we live by logic use all kinds of evidence to make decisions. Facts are one thing, but feelings and lived experience are another. Psychologists tell us that we make most decisions based on feeling, and fill in the supporting logic later. Emotional truths have weight, and a good story about an emotional truth doesn't have to be factual: It just has to be true.

Tom Forman, chief executive of reality TV shows like "Extreme Makeover: Home Edition," said in a recent NPR interview that Trump is a master at "being directionally correct." Trump knows, Forman said, how to amplify what viewers already know to be true, what they "know in their bones." That's emotional truth, and factual truth can't touch it.

There are times and places for each kind of truth. Scientific rigor is essential in medical testing, for instance, but not important when helping a grieving friend get over a loss. The administration should absolutely be held accountable for logical inconsistencies where logic is called for, which includes all of Trump's misleading claims. But insisting to his followers that all truths be fact-based, and baiting them with factual inaccuracies over relatively minor issues, just increases the emotional truth of the story that they know in their bones: that society does not value their problems, and that Trump seems poised to upend a system that has harmed them in the past.

Our country was founded on Enlightenment principles that very intentionally left room for spiritual freedom. To survive, our democratic society needs to leave room for both logic- and emotion-based truth, and learn to apply them appropriately. To turn our national conversation from acrimonious partisanship, we may need to step back and switch frames occasionally, both to understand why Trump's lies mean so little to so many, and to develop better ways to communicate with our neighbors who find his emotional truths more resonant right now. The future of America depends upon it.

Anna Katharine Mansfield is an associate professor of oenology at Cornell University, holds a certificate in Theological Education (EfM) from Sewanee-University of the South and is a 2017 Public Voices Fellow. She spends much of her time marveling at the depth of human knowledge, both scientific and spiritual.

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18 Comments
Comments

Katherine Triandafilou
Katherine Triandafilou in my opinion, the onus is not to reach them but to out-wit them. -which, sadly, we seem to be having trouble doing. so...
Like · Reply · 1 · April 2 at 2:07pm
James Scaminaci III
James Scaminaci III I have to read the article. But come on. If you believe in a literal Genesis, you will believe anything someone "anointed" will tell you. This is not rocket science. See The Anointed book.
Sara Robinson
Sara Robinson Read the article. I like it because I spend a lot of time talking to conservatives, and this is a core piece of my strategy. It's not about facts for them; it's about emotional truth. If you want them to hear you, you have to speak in that language, and fit the facts into it.
Like · Reply · 3 · April 2 at 2:13pm
James Scaminaci III
James Scaminaci III Having read the article there is a simple retort: the primacy of emotional truth will get you stuffed into trains headed to concentration camps where showers are gas chambers. We are either going to hold Trump accountable on the basis of facts and logi...See More
David Clow
David Clow The religious community isn't the monolith they're often assumed to be. For millions of them their faith commitment entails environmental stewardship, community responsibility and charity, scientific rigor in practice areas such as climatology, etc. Th...See More
Sara Robinson
Sara Robinson David, I think it's clear that we're not talking about "the religious community." We're talking about Trump followers, very specifically. Stay focused, please.
Cheryl Rofer
Cheryl Rofer Do we have to change hearts and minds by talking to these Trump voters? They have been brainwashed by their churches and rightwing radio. One or a few people talking to them can do very little in that regard. What is more needed is deprogramming. Maybe...See More
Sara Robinson
Sara Robinson I talk to conservatives because their language is my native tongue, and I hope to be useful to Democrats and others in figuring out ways to break through their epistemic closure. And the info in this article is *extremely* useful to liberals who are at...See More
David Clow
David Clow Emotional truth is one way, yes. These people also understand facts when an incontrovertible quantitative case is put before them, such as for example, the costs externalized upon them of conforming to faith-based decisions such as declining inoculatio...See More
Cheryl Rofer
Cheryl Rofer I get the thing about emotional truths. I agree that people should be approached with respect. I also agree that some of their concerns have been ignored. But the reason for some of that ignoring is that they hold concerns that are not compatible with ...See More
Joan Baez - Honest Lullaby (1979) Early early in the game I taught myself to sing…
Sara Robinson
Sara Robinson You don't have to validate *their* emotional truths. It's not about the content; it's about the language you use. We communicate our truths in the language of empricism, because that's what we find credible. Instead, we need to be talking about OUR iss...See More
Like · Reply · 1 · April 2 at 3:28pm
Doug Muder
Doug Muder I'm having trouble grasping the difference between "emotional truth" and propaganda. Encouraging people to believe the false things they are inclined to believe anyway is a propaganda technique.
Sara Robinson
Sara Robinson Not what I'm talking about. I'm talking about telling OUR story using different language -- emotionally resonant language instead of the cooler fact-based way we learned to talk in college. They don't hear that language, and don't trust people who talk...See More
Kim Cooper
Kim Cooper Sara Robinson Where does one learn that language?
Doug Muder
Doug Muder I see what you're saying, but I'm not seeing that in the article, particularly in sentences like: "after years of harboring suspicions that former president Barack Obama is a Muslim, a communist, or worse, any accusation about his interference with the...See More
Sara Robinson
Sara Robinson It absolutely does build on itself, becoming a self-reinforcing narrative. But the original hooks stuck because they were emotionally sticky, not because they made rational sense. And once that hook was set, it was possible to hang an entire worldview on it over time.

If we're going to hang hooks on people, we have to make them similarly emotionally compelling. 

And Kim -- the best place to learn this language is in church, though a good sales program can get you there, too. Reading a lot of poetry helps, along with anything else that moves you away from the literal and into stories that are personal (they're not interested in a million unvaccinated kids, but are deeply moved by stories of my dad's bout with polio), emotional, and overtly moral (there needs to be a point to the story that reinforces their values and says something useful about the nature of good and evil).
Kim Cooper
Write a reply...

Karen Hobson
Karen Hobson This is how I get people to care about student retention. You can't ignore the financial side, because that comes across false. But you have to talk about the individual personal loss that comes to the student when we fail to retain them, and talk abou...See More
Sara Robinson
Sara Robinson Exactly. So much of what we learn in college about arguing from facts, with strong sources, without any emotional content or personal experience added, serves us incredibly badly once we're out in the real world trying to persuade fallible, messy, emotional human beings whose brains are more engaged by a good, sticky story than anything else.
Kim Cooper
Write a reply...

ElJean Dodge Wilson
ElJean Dodge Wilson Once again, Sara Robinson, you have shared an article that expands and clarifies important issues. I love reading Marcus Borg. Thank you.
David Neiwert
David Neiwert I don't know that it's emotional truth they hear so much as it's self-reinforcing narrative. In any event, its entire purpose is to drive a wedge between his followers and the mainstream, drawing them further into the alternative reality in which he is the final arbiter of the truth.
David Neiwert
David Neiwert OTOH, I fully concur that we need to develop gut-level narratives that accompany our factual assuredness. The latter doesn't work.
Sara Robinson
Sara Robinson Right. It's the emotional truthiness of these stories that makes them so damned sticky and self-reinforcing. We will have zero chance of reaching such people until we also start telling our own stories that way.

This is what evangelists and salesmen h
...See More
Kim Cooper
Write a reply...

Ken Cousins
Ken Cousins "Emotional truth" is a euphemism for "that which validates a world view," regardless of the validity (or morality) of that world view.

It was/is an "emotional truth" for some that minorities are subhuman, lazy, etc. This is "true" throughout the world
...See More
Sara Robinson
Sara Robinson Emotional truth can validate a worldview -- but it can also change it. I see this quite often.
Bruce Wilson
Bruce Wilson I disagree, and think this WaPo piece is wildly misguided. What's actually going on is really quite simple - Trump references conspiracy memes pumped out by hard right and alt-right media, such as the false immigration/crime allegation. His audience pe...See More
Like · Reply · 1 · 10 hrs

ANS -- What the North Carolina legislation to repeal the HB2 ‘bathroom bill’ actually says

If you are interested in this topic, I recommend you go to the site to read this article.  It includes the actual bill.  
--Kim



What the North Carolina legislation to repeal the HB2 'bathroom bill' actually says

BY CORINNE SEGAL  March 30, 2017 at 11:27 AM EDT  | Updated: Mar 30, 2017 at 4:24 PM

North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper holds a news conference after the state General Assembly passed a repeal of HB2, also known as the "bathroom bill."

North Carolina legislators on Thursday passed a bill that repeals the state's controversial HB2, which had required residents to use the restroom that corresponds with the sex on their birth certificate.

The new bill, HB142, passed the Senate with a 70-48 vote.

HB2 — passed last year in response to a local ordinance in Charlotte that allowed transgender people to use the bathroom of their choice — drew fierce criticism across the country for setting restrictions on LGBTQ protections.

Senate leader Phil Berger and House speaker Tim Moore said Wednesday night that they had reached an agreement with Roy Cooper, the state's Democratic governor, whose election followed contentious debate in the state over HB2. But LGBTQ activists criticized the deal, saying it was a repeal of the law in name only and would not protect lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people in the state.

Cooper signed the measure into law on Thursday.

What does the new bill do?

  • Repeals HB2. The law, passed in March 2016 and championed by then-Gov. Pat McCrory, came after the city of Charlotte passed an LGBT nondiscrimination ordinance in February 2016. HB2 required transgender people to use the bathroom that corresponds with the sex listed on their birth certificate and nullified existing local LGBTQ protections laws.
  • Prohibits state agencies, boards, offices, departments, institutions — including the University of North Carolina and the North Carolina Community College System — as well as political subdivisions of the state like local boards of education, from regulating access to multiple occupancy restrooms, showers, or changing facilities.
  • States that cities cannot pass regulations on public accommodations or employment practices until the new bill expires in 2020.

Earlier Thursday, the North Carolina legislature debated the repeal of HB2 'bathroom bill.' Both the state Senate and House voted to pass the legislation.

How is this different than HB2?

  • While HB142 repeals the stipulation that transgender people must use the facility that corresponds with the sex on their birth certificate, it still leaves regulation of "multi-occupancy facilities" — or bathrooms — to the state.
  • HB2 banned local jurisdictions from adding to laws around workplace discrimination and use of public facilities, as Charlotte had done with its rules to protect transgender people who wanted to use the bathroom of their choice. HB142 still prevents them from passing nondiscrimination ordinances until December 2020, shortly after the state's next election for governor
  • HB2 also defined the classes of people protected by those discrimination laws; sexual orientation and gender identity was not among those classes. HB142 does not mention the classes of people protected by discrimination laws.

Why LGBTQ groups don't like the repeal

LGBTQ groups say the bill does not go far enough to remove the discriminatory measures in HB2 and continues to bar local governments from passing LGBTQ protections. The American Civil Liberties Union of North Carolina called it a "backroom deal that uses the rights of LGBT people as a bargaining chip." It added in a statement: "The way to undo HB2's profound damage to North Carolina and its people has always been a full, clean repeal, but this proposal would keep anti-LGBT provisions of the law in place and continue to single out and target transgender people."

Mara Keisling, executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality, said in a statement that the bill was a "cynical ploy" to convince the public that the state had addressed criticisms from the LGBTQ community. "Passing this bill would mean that North Carolina continues to be one of the very few states where it's illegal for cities to protect the rights of their residents. It pushes aside real North Carolinians in favor of political expediency," she said in the statement.

READ NEXT: Largest-ever survey of trans adults shows high rates of economic instability, suicide attempts

How did we get here?
Following an outcry over HB2, McCrory in April 2016 signed Executive Order 93, which added employment protection based on sexual orientation and gender identity for employees of the state, and affirmed that the private sector had the right to establish its own policies for bathroom use. State lawmakers updated the law in July to restore workers' ability to sue for employment discrimination.

Cooper, then the -state's Attorney General, ran against McCrory for governor while criticizing the law as bad for the state. After winning a narrow victory over McCrory, state lawmakers met in December in a special session to debate HB2. The Republican-led legislature failed to reach a compromise, prompting further protests in the state.

Backlash from businesses:

After the law passed, a number of businesses, events and performers boycotted the state. The Associated Press estimates that the law has cost the state more than $3.76 billion in losses, including a planned expansion by PayPal that would have brought an estimated $2.66 billion and 400 jobs to the economy along with canceled operations from Deutsche Bank, CoStar and Adidas.


North Carolina's High Point Market is the largest furniture industry trade show in the world. But weeks before designers and retailers arrived, the state legislature passed a law on the use of bathrooms and discrimination targeted at LGBT people, sparking outrage and protests. Special correspondent Roben Farzad explores the economic fallout as the backlash and boycotts spread.

Fallout in sports
The N.C.A.A. announced in September it would move seven championship games from North Carolina in the 2016-17 season, and the Atlantic Coast Conference moved its championships out of North Carolina. The N.C.A.A. also said this week that North Carolina could be excluded from hosting championship events through 2022, The New York Times reported.

The nationwide debate
The new developments in North Carolina come amid a larger national debate on bathroom access for transgender people.

  • In February, President Donald Trump's administration revoked Obama-era guidance that said schools should allow trans students to use the bathroom that corresponds to their gender identity.
  • Following that decision, the Supreme Court referred Grimm v. Gloucester — a lawsuit filed by student Gavin Grimm against his high school for denying him access to the men's bathroom — back to a federal appeals court.

Read the full text of HB142 below.

North Carolina's HB142 by PBS NewsHour on Scribd


PBS NewsHour will update this story as it develops.

ANS -- Truth Seeking, Democracy, & Freedom of Thought

While I generally agree with the position of this paper, I have been reading various discussions engendered by this incident with Charles Murray.  People made other good points too.  Among them were the idea that Mr. Murray's position has been debated at length and has been discredited, so why should we give him a forum again? Another idea that came up is that he should not have been allowed to showcase his discredited ideas without another person on stage presenting the opposing viewpoint, to which people replied that that would be giving too much credence to Murray's ideas, and also that would give the impression that the argument is 50/50 if only one person opposed him.  It probably wouldn't be practical (or accepted) if you had a hundred people opposing him.
To complicate matters further, someone said that the ideas he intended to present at this forum had nothing to do with his historic position that is the one people object to so strenuously.  I don't know if that is true or not.  
So, what is the solution?  I don't know.  Perhaps a peaceful demonstration that still allowed him to speak, and a vigorous refutation in the question and answer period following his talk would have been better.  
--Kim


×

Notice


Reprinted from the March 22, 2017, issue of U.S. 1 Newspaper
Truth Seeking, Democracy, & Freedom of Thought

A recent incident at Middlebury College, where a hostile crowd prevented conservative social scientist Charles Murray from making a presentation and then roughed up a Middlebury professor escorting him to his car, has sparked a loud debate over free speech and its limits. 

Professors Cornel West and Robert George, who represent left and right sides of the political spectrum, have often appeared together to discuss their differences, as well as their shared beliefs. In response to the Middlebury events, they issued the following statement:

The pursuit of knowledge and the maintenance of a free and democratic society require the cultivation and practice of the virtues of intellectual humility, openness of mind, and, above all, love of truth. These virtues will manifest themselves and be strengthened by one's willingness to listen attentively and respectfully to intelligent people who challenge one's beliefs and who represent causes one disagrees with and points of view one does not share.

That's why all of us should seek respectfully to engage with people who challenge our views. And we should oppose efforts to silence those with whom we disagree — especially on college and university campuses. As John Stuart Mill taught, a recognition of the possibility that we may be in error is a good reason to listen to and honestly consider — and not merely to tolerate grudgingly — points of view that we do not share, and even perspectives that we find shocking or scandalous. What's more, as Mill noted, even if one happens to be right about this or that disputed matter, seriously and respectfully engaging people who disagree will deepen one's understanding of the truth and sharpen one's ability to defend it.

None of us is infallible. Whether you are a person of the left, the right, or the center, there are reasonable people of goodwill who do not share your fundamental convictions. This does not mean that all opinions are equally valid or that all speakers are equally worth listening to. It certainly does not mean that there is no truth to be discovered. Nor does it mean that you are necessarily wrong. But they are not necessarily wrong either. So someone who has not fallen into the idolatry of worshiping his or her own opinions and loving them above truth itself will want to listen to people who see things differently in order to learn what considerations — evidence, reasons, arguments — led them to a place different from where one happens, at least for now, to find oneself.

All of us should be willing — even eager — to engage with anyone who is prepared to do business in the currency of truth-seeking discourse by offering reasons, marshaling evidence, and making arguments. The more important the subject under discussion, the more willing we should be to listen and engage — especially if the person with whom we are in conversation will challenge our deeply held —even our most cherished and identity-forming — beliefs.

It is all-too-common these days for people to try to immunize from criticism opinions that happen to be dominant in their particular communities. Sometimes this is done by questioning the motives and thus stigmatizing those who dissent from prevailing opinions; or by disrupting their presentations; or by demanding that they be excluded from campus or, if they have already been invited, disinvited. Sometimes students and faculty members turn their backs on speakers whose opinions they don't like or simply walk out and refuse to listen to those whose convictions offend their values. Of course, the right to peacefully protest, including on campuses, is sacrosanct. But before exercising that right, all of us should ask: Might it not be better to listen respectfully and try to learn from a speaker with whom I disagree? Might it better serve the cause of truth-seeking to engage the speaker in frank civil discussion?

Our willingness to listen to and respectfully engage those with whom we disagree (especially about matters of profound importance) contributes vitally to the maintenance of a milieu in which people feel free to speak their minds, consider unpopular positions, and explore lines of argument that may undercut established ways of thinking. Such an ethos protects us against dogmatism and groupthink, both of which are toxic to the health of academic communities and to the functioning of democracies.

Robert P. George is a professor and director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University.

Cornel West is a professor in the Divinity School and the Department of African and African- American Studies at Harvard University.

To join Professors George and West as a public signatory to this statement, submit your name, title, and affiliation (for identification purposes only) via e-mail toeschneck@princeton.edu. All are welcome to sign.

ANS -- Why Are Republicans So Relentlessly Cruel to the Poor?

This has some good stuff in it.  I'm a bit more hopeful about the possibility of change in individuals, but I don't have a lot of hope for change in Republicans in general.  Our responsibility is to make sure that we stop neo-liberals from destroying empathy in liberals.  
--Kim


THE RIGHT WING

Why Are Republicans So Relentlessly Cruel to the Poor?

Paul Ryan has dreamed of slashing Medicaid since his keg-party days—and that blithe hostility is widespread.

Photo Credit: Christopher Halloran / Shutterstock.com

Republican Paul Ryan, like most other members of the United States Congress, is a millionaire.

Christa Patton is 68 years old. She is frail and no longer able to leave her home. She lives on a fixed income. Patton told Van Jones on a recent episode of his CNN show "The Messy Truth" that she would not be able to eat without the Meals on Wheels program.

Paul Ryan is the speaker of the United States House of Representatives. By his own account, in college he used to hang out with his friends and drink beer while sharing his dreams of cutting Medicaid. When Ryan was 15 years old, his father died from a heart attack caused by alcoholism. Ryan and his family then received his father's Social Security survivor's benefits. Ryan used that money to attend college. This was not the only money that Paul Ryan received from federal government. His family built its wealth from receiving government contracts.

Like his idol Ayn Rand (who argued against the very idea of government and the commons yet received social security and Medicare). Paul Ryan has combined meanness, cruelty and callousness towards the weak and the vulnerable with gross and unapologetic hypocrisy.

Republicans like Ryan — along with the millionaires and billionaires who comprise Donald Trump's Cabinet and inner circle — literally want to take food, shelter and health care away from poor people like Christa Patton. Today's Republicans view these Americans as useless eaters to be disposed of by means both passive and active.

It is normal to feel aghast at and disgusted by the Republican Party's war on the poor. The more challenging and perhaps even more disturbing task is to ask why today's conservatives feel such antipathy, disregard and hostility towards poor and other vulnerable Americans. Certainly greed and a slavish devotion to a revanchist right-wing ideology are part of the answer. But they may not be sufficient

Conservatives are more likely to exhibit social dominance and bullying behavior. This is a function of their authoritarian tendencies. The election of Donald Trump  exemplifies this phenomenon.

American political elites often use language that robs poor and other marginalized people of their individuality, humanity and dignity. This language also creates a type of social distance between "middle class" or "normal" Americans and the economically disadvantaged.

Conservatism is a type of motivated social cognition that by its very nature is hostile to those groups located on the lower rungs of the social hierarchy.

Conservatives are more likely than liberals or progressives to believe in what is known as the "just world fallacy," where people who suffer misfortune are viewed as somehow deserving their fates. Conservatives are also more likely than liberals or progressives not to use systems-level thinking as a means of understanding that individuals do not exist separate and apart from society.  Conservatives are also more likely to defend social inequality as "fair and legitimate."

Social psychologists have shown that, in effect, poor people are invisible to the rich and upper classes.

The psychological dynamic known as the "diffusion of responsibility," in which individuals tend to ignore people who are in crisis — especially if they are perceived to be a member of a different social group, race, ethnicity or class — also encourages a lack of empathy and concern. It undercuts policies meant to offer direct assistance to vulnerable and marginalized individuals and communities. A perverse corollary to the "diffusion of responsibility" can also be used to legitimate punitive policies that target specific individuals and groups.

The myth of meritocracy and its cousin the myth of individualism exert a powerful hold over many Americans. This is especially true among conservatives. Social scientists and others have repeatedly demonstrated that American society is not a true meritocracy. Other research has shown that intergenerational income and class mobility are also relatively uncommon in the United States.

Likewise, the concept of the self-made person whose success is a function of "rugged individualism" is also a fantasy better suited to its dime-store origins than as a serious way of understanding American society. Nevertheless, these cultural mythologies do the practical political and social work of legitimizing the Republican war on the poor.

Race and class are intimately linked together in American (and Western) society. As such, poor people are incorrectly stereotyped as being overwhelmingly black and brown. In the United States, the intersections of race and class also impact the media narratives and cultural scripts that dictate who and what groups have historically been considered "deserving" (widows of war veterans, the disabled, single white mothers, children, the elderly) and "undeserving" (adult men and people of color).

Conservative media — and sometimes mainstream media as well — routinely uses false and misleading information to discuss the social safety net. For example, President Lyndon Johnson's Great Society as well as President Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal initiatives were extremely successful in terms of alleviating poverty and improving the general welfare of the American people. Yet right-wing media consistently tells its public that such programs were failures, a narrative that intentionally ignores the Republican Party's efforts to undermine the effectiveness of those programs.

Among evangelical Christians, what is called the "prosperity gospel" has become increasingly influential. This grotesque interpretation of Christian doctrine assures its adherents that poor people deserve their circumstances because God has chosen not to bless them with money. Conversely, rich people have more money because God has deemed them worthy. Christian evangelicals — especially those who believe in the prosperity gospel — were a key constituency in Donald Trump's winning coalition.

The brain structures of conservatives and liberals are quite different. Conservatives are capable of being empathetic. However, conservatives focus those feelings on their in-group such as immediate family and community. Liberals have a different biological inclination: They are able to feel empathy for those people and groups who are not part of their close social circle and community.

What can be done?

The bad news is that there is no evidence to suggest that the brains of conservatives can be modified to make them more empathetic and sympathetic towards their fellow human beings. Nor is the harmful messaging and narratives from the right-wing media about poor folks — and the Other more generally — likely to change in the foreseeable future.

On the level of practical politics, there have been no substantial negative electoral consequences to Republicans' decades-long war on the social safety net and the common good. Thus, there is no reason in terms of electoral calculus for the Republican Party to stop pursuing such policies. Moreover, it is unlikely that conservative red-state voters will "wake up" and stop supporting a political party that actually leaves them less economically prosperous and financially secure. Here, poor and working-class Republican voters are like Pavlov's dogs, seeking out abuse from their masters in the hope that the latter will hurt other Americans even more so.

But maybe there is hope. Americans must reinvigorate their social and political institutions across divides of race and class. This is the social glue that can be used to transcend the culture of cruelty that the Republican Party and the regime of neoliberal economics has imposed in the United States. Political messaging is critical: America should be a true "we the people" democracy that meets the needs of all people and not just those of the rich and the powerful. The Democratic Party must improve the way it communicates that vision to the American people.

Unfortunately, the Republican war on the poor is but one sign of the deep moral rot at the heart of American society. This crisis extends well beyond the election of Donald Trump and the cruelty both promised and so far enacted by his cadre and the Republican Party. If a society is judged by how it treats the most vulnerable and weak, America is a country in decline, a country whose citizens should be ashamed of their leaders — and, in some cases, ashamed of themselves.

Saturday, April 01, 2017

ANS -- Why 'High Functioning' Autism Is So Challenging

And now for something completely different  -- an article about high functioning autism.  What it doesn't explicitly say is that people's expectations for this group is that they act "normal", and then they are shocked or offended when they don't.  Short piece.  
--Kim


Why 'High Functioning' Autism Is So Challenging

Man with head in the clouds
Roy Scott/Ikon Images/Getty Images

The autism spectrum is very large.  If you think of it as a rainbow (or a bell curve), you'll note that there's an awful lot of the spectrum that is at neither one end nor the other—but somewhere in the middle. 

At this point in history, we don't have good information to tell us whether MOST people on the autism spectrum are "somewhere in the middle," but it is clear that the lion's share of media attention goes to folks at the high and the low ends of the spectrum—that is, the profoundly disabled and the very high functioning.

The fact is that life with severe autism is extraordinarily difficult. And logic would suggest that people on the high end of the spectrum have it easy—as do their families and teachers. But the reality is quite different.

Myth: High Functioning Autism Is No Big Deal

If the media is to believed, the high end of the autism spectrum is peopled largely by eccentric geniuses—Bill Gates and Albert Einstein are often mentioned, along with Dan Aykroyd and Daryl Hannah—who by and large do very well indeed, though they march to the beat of their own drummer. The reality, however, is that "high functioning autistic" and "genius," "business tycoon," and "Hollywood star" rarely go together.

In fact, people with high functioning autism may not have a higher IQ than their typical peers. They may have very little of the kind of intense motivation for public success that sends a Bill Gates to find funders or an Einstein to find a publisher.

They may also have significant challenges which stand in the way of living a comfortable life, succeeding in work or romance, or achieving a sense of self-worth. Those issues are made more challenging, in part, because they surprise and upset others who don't anticipate odd behaviors or reactions from people who "pass for normal" in many situations.

In addition, while people with more severe autism are not generally expected to just suck it up and get through difficult moments, people on the higher end of the spectrum are expected to do just that. Lastly, people with high functioning autism are, in general, very aware of their own difficulties and extremely sensitive to others' negative reactions.

Fact: High Functioning Autism Is Very Challenging Every Day

Here are just a few of the issues that get between people on the high end of the autism spectrum (including those diagnosed with the now-outdated Asperger syndrome) and personal success and happiness:

  1. Extreme sensory issues. People at the higher end of the spectrum are just as susceptible as people in the middle or lower end of the spectrum to sensory dysfunctions. These include mild, moderate, or extreme sensitivity to noise, crowds, bright lights, strong tastes, smells, and touch. This means that a person who is bright, verbal, and capable may be unable to walk into a crowded restaurant, attend a movie, or cope with the sensory assaults associated with malls, stadiums, or other venues.
  2. Social "cluelessness."  What's the difference between a civil greeting and a signal of romantic interest? How loud is too loud? When is okay to talk about your personal issues or interests? When is it important to stop doing what you enjoy in order to attend to another person's needs? These are tough questions for anyone, but for a person on the high end of the autism spectrum they can become overwhelming obstacles to social connections, employment, and romance.
  1. Anxiety and depression. Anxiety, depression, and other mood disorders are more common among people with high functioning autism than they are among the general population. We don't know whether the autism causes the mood disorders, or whether the disorders are the result of social rejection and frustration—but whatever their causes, mood disorders can be disabling in themselves.
  2. Lack of executive planning skills. Executive functioning describes the skills we use to organize and plan our lives. They allow typical adults to plan schedules in advance, notice that the shampoo is running low, or create and follow a timeline in order to complete a long term project. Most people with high functioning autism have compromised executive functioning skills, making it very tough to plan and manage a household, cope with minor schedule changes at school or at work, and so forth.
  1. Emotional disregulation. Contrary to popular opinion, people with autism have plenty of emotions. In fact, people with autism can become far too emotional in the wrong situations. Imagine a 16-year-old bursting into tears because of a change in plans, or a grown woman melting down completely because her car won't start.  These are the types of issues that can arise for people with high functioning autism, who are capable of doing a great many thing ONLY when the situation is predictable, and no obstacles arise.
  2. Difficulty with transitions and change.  Lots of people have a hard time with change, but people with high functioning autism take the issue to a whole new level. Once a pattern is established and comfortable, people with autism (by and large) want to maintain that pattern forever.  If a group of friends goes out on Wednesdays for nachos, the idea of going out on Thursdays for chicken wings can throw an autistic adult into a state of anxiety or even anger.
  3. Difficulty with following verbal communication.  A person with high functioning autism may be more than capable of doing a task—but unable to follow the spoken instructions provided. In other words, if a policeman says "stay in your car and give me your license and registration," the person with autism may process only "stay in your car," or only "give me your license." The same goes for instructions given, say, at a ballroom dance class, at the doctor's office, or by a manager in an office setting. As you can imagine, this can cause any number of issues, ranging from serious problems with the police to inadvertent mistakes at work.

As you can see, the term "high functioning" does mean what it says. But high functioning autism is not an easy or simple diagnosis to live with. For those caring for, employing, teaching, or working with people on the higher end of the spectrum, it's important to remember that autism is autism.